Question 1

Which one of the following is not an Air Defence Missile system of India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Modern armed forces use various missile systems for air defence and for offensive roles. In India, several surface to air and air to air missile projects have well known names. This general knowledge question checks whether the learner can distinguish between missile systems and other defence equipment such as vehicles or platforms that are often mentioned together in news and textbooks. Given Data / Assumptions: Four names are given: Akash, Trishul, Tatra and Astra. The question asks for the option that is not an Air Defence Missile system. We assume standard Indian defence projects and equipment as commonly described in public sources. Concept / Approach: The key is to recall which of these names correspond to missile systems and which do not. Akash and Trishul are surface to air missile projects. Astra is an air to air missile that contributes to air defence capability. Tatra, however, is associated with heavy duty vehicles used as platforms for missiles and logistics, rather than being a missile itself. Once we categorise each term correctly, the odd one out becomes clear. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Identify Akash. Akash is an Indian medium range surface to air missile system designed to defend against aircraft and drones. It clearly belongs to the Air Defence category. Step 2: Identify Trishul. Trishul is a short range surface to air missile project that was intended for low level air defence roles, so it also falls under Air Defence missile systems. Step 3: Identify Astra. Astra is an indigenous beyond visual range air to air missile, launched from aircraft to engage aerial targets. It enhances air defence by enabling fighters to destroy enemy aircraft. It is a missile, so it remains in the missile group. Step 4: Consider Tatra. Tatra is the name of a heavy duty truck platform originally from a company based in Central Europe. In Indian defence context, Tatra trucks are often used as launch vehicles and logistics carriers, but they are not missiles. Step 5: Since Akash, Trishul and Astra are missile systems, and Tatra is a truck platform, Tatra is the correct answer as it is not an Air Defence missile system. Verification / Alternative check: A quick way to verify is to recall common pictures and news reports about these names. Akash and Trishul are usually shown as missile launchers or missile canisters. Astra is shown mounted on fighter jets such as Su 30. Tatra in contrast is nearly always depicted as a multi axle truck that sometimes carries missile launchers but is not itself a missile. This confirms that Tatra is not an Air Defence missile system but a vehicle platform. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Akash: This is a well known indigenous surface to air missile system used for air defence, so it does not fit the requirement of not being a missile system. Trishul: Another missile project intended for low level air defence. It is a missile, not a vehicle. Astra: This is an air to air missile, so it is clearly an Air Defence weapon and cannot be chosen as the non missile item. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to confuse the Tatra launcher trucks that sometimes carry missile systems with the missiles themselves. Learners may see photographs of Akash or other missiles mounted on Tatra trucks and mistakenly think Tatra is a missile. Another pitfall is to assume that only surface to air missiles count as Air Defence and therefore to doubt Astra since it is air to air, but air to air missiles also serve Air Defence roles by destroying enemy aircraft. Recognising that Tatra is a truck manufacturer and not a missile name helps avoid these errors. Final Answer: Tatra

Question 2

Which one of the following statements about the changing composition of national income in India is correct?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: National income can be viewed as the sum of value added by agriculture, industry and services. As economies develop, the relative shares of these sectors typically change. In India, there has been a clear structural shift over the decades. This question checks whether candidates are aware of the broad direction of change in the shares of agriculture, manufacturing and services in India economic output. Given Data / Assumptions: Four statements describe trends in the sectoral composition of India national income. Only one of these statements is broadly correct when seen over the period from independence to recent decades. We focus on long term trends rather than minor short term fluctuations. Concept / Approach: In development economics, there is a well known pattern in which economies move from being agriculture dominated to industry dominated and finally services dominated. India has experienced a significant rise in the share of services and a decline in the share of agriculture. The share of manufacturing has not collapsed but has not risen as dramatically as services. By matching these known trends to the statements given, we can identify which statement is correct. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Consider the agriculture sector. At the time of independence, agriculture contributed a very large share to national income. Over time, as industry and services expanded, the relative share of agriculture declined significantly. Step 2: Look at the manufacturing or industrial sector. Its share did increase after independence, but the rise was not very sharp and has been relatively modest in recent decades compared to the expansion of services. Step 3: Observe the services sector. Over the last few decades, services such as information technology, financial services, trade, transport, communication and other business services have grown very fast. The share of services in gross domestic product has increased sharply and now forms the largest component. Step 4: Evaluate option A, which says that the share of manufacturing has declined. Over the very long term, the share of manufacturing does not show a clear sustained decline; it is better described as stagnant or modestly increasing at some periods, so this statement is not accurate. Step 5: Evaluate option B, which says that the share of the services sector has increased sharply. This matches the well known pattern of India growth story, in which services have become the dominant contributor. This statement is correct. Step 6: Evaluate option C, which claims that the share of agriculture has remained static. This is incorrect because the share of agriculture has clearly fallen over time. Step 7: Evaluate option D, which claims that the share of services has declined. This is opposite to the observed trend and is therefore incorrect. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative check is to think of common facts repeated in economic surveys and textbooks: services contribute well over half of India gross domestic product, industry contributes around a quarter, and agriculture contributes a much smaller share than in the early years after independence. This pattern confirms that the services share has increased sharply. No widely used source suggests a decline in the services share or a static share of agriculture. Therefore option B stands out as the only statement consistent with basic macroeconomic awareness. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The share of manufacturing has not clearly declined over the entire post independence period, so option A is misleading. The share of agriculture has definitely declined, so option C is incorrect. The services sector share has risen, not fallen, so option D is wrong. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes confuse absolute output with relative share. Agricultural output can rise in absolute terms even while its share in national income falls. Another pitfall is to focus only on a short window of time and to misinterpret minor cyclical movements as long term trends. Some candidates also assume that industrialisation must have made manufacturing the dominant sector, underestimating the role of services in India growth pattern. A broad, long term view of sectoral shares helps to avoid these errors. Final Answer: The share of the services sector in national income has increased sharply.

Question 3

In India, the term hot money is commonly used to refer to which type of capital flow?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: In discussions about the external sector and balance of payments, the term hot money is often mentioned. It refers to a particular type of international capital movement that can enter and leave a country very quickly. This question checks whether candidates understand what hot money means in the Indian context and can distinguish it from more stable forms of capital flow such as long term foreign direct investment. Given Data / Assumptions: The question asks what the term hot money refers to in India. Four different types of flows or positions are mentioned: central bank currency and reserves, GDR related flows, foreign direct investment and foreign portfolio investment. We assume standard macroeconomic definitions used in textbooks and policy discussions. Concept / Approach: Hot money is generally associated with capital that moves rapidly across borders in search of short term returns. It is sensitive to interest rate changes, exchange rate expectations and market sentiment. Such flows can quickly exit a country, causing volatility. Foreign portfolio investment, which includes investment by foreign institutional investors in shares and debt securities, has this nature. By contrast, foreign direct investment involves long term commitments like factories and infrastructure, which are not typically reversed overnight. The other options listed in the question do not capture this idea of fast moving capital. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Understand the central idea of hot money. It is short term capital that moves quickly between countries to take advantage of interest rate differentials or expected changes in exchange rates. Step 2: Consider option A: currency and reserves held by the Reserve Bank of India. These are official foreign exchange reserves and domestic currency in circulation, not speculative foreign capital. They are not described as hot money. Step 3: Look at option B: net receipts from Global Depository Receipts. GDRs can involve foreign investors, but they represent a more structured, often longer term capital raising mechanism for firms and are not the standard textbook example of hot money flows in macroeconomics. Step 4: Examine option C: net foreign direct investment. FDI typically involves physical investment in plant, machinery or businesses and therefore tends to be relatively stable and long term. It is usually not classified as hot money since it cannot be withdrawn as quickly as portfolio holdings. Step 5: Evaluate option D: foreign portfolio investment or short term capital flows. Foreign institutional investors can bring in funds to buy stocks or bonds and can pull out quickly when market conditions change. This behaviour matches the concept of hot money. Step 6: Therefore, in the Indian context, hot money refers mainly to foreign portfolio investment, which is best represented by option D. Verification / Alternative check: A good way to verify is to remember episodes when foreign institutional investors suddenly withdrew funds from Indian markets due to global uncertainty. Those outflows caused rapid changes in stock indices and the value of the rupee. Policy discussions during such episodes commonly referred to these flows as hot money. On the other hand, foreign direct investment projects are not described in this language because they are locked into physical investments and cannot be reversed overnight. This supports our choice of foreign portfolio investment as the meaning of hot money. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Currency and reserves with the central bank represent domestic money supply management and official foreign exchange holdings, not speculative foreign capital. GDR related flows are not the usual reference when economists speak about hot money in India. Foreign direct investment is considered stable, long term and relatively illiquid, so it does not fit the fast moving nature of hot money. Common Pitfalls: Some candidates assume that any foreign capital must be hot money and therefore confuse FDI with portfolio flows. Others see the word money and think immediately of central bank reserves. Another confusion arises when learners mix up acronyms like FDI, FII and GDR and do not pay attention to the underlying difference between ownership control and tradable financial securities. Remembering that hot money is associated with quick in and out movements of financial capital helps avoid these mistakes. Final Answer: Foreign Portfolio Investment (short term capital flows)

Question 4

Which of the following are recognised credit rating agencies in India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Credit rating agencies play an important role in financial markets by assessing the creditworthiness of borrowers and instruments. In India, several well known rating agencies operate and their names often appear in news related to bonds, debentures and banking regulation. This question checks whether the learner can recognise the major Indian credit rating agencies and identify that all of the listed institutions belong to this category. Given Data / Assumptions: Three names are given: CRISIL, CARE and ICRA. The fourth option states that all of the above are credit rating agencies. We assume knowledge of basic financial market institutions in India. Concept / Approach: The approach is to recall the full forms and functions of the entities named. CRISIL, CARE and ICRA are all widely known rating agencies that evaluate corporate bonds, bank loans and other financial instruments. Once we recognise this, it is straightforward to see that the correct choice is the option that says all of them are credit rating agencies. No complex calculation is needed, only correct identification. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that CRISIL stands for Credit Rating Information Services of India Limited. It provides ratings, research and risk advisory services. Step 2: Remember that CARE stands for Credit Analysis and Research Limited. It is also an Indian credit rating agency that rates a wide range of debt instruments. Step 3: Identify that ICRA stands for Investment Information and Credit Rating Agency. It too is a recognised credit rating agency in the Indian market. Step 4: Since each of the three named institutions is a credit rating agency, the appropriate answer is that all of the above are credit rating agencies in India. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative check is to think about typical newspaper headlines about corporate bond ratings or bank ratings. These headlines frequently mention CRISIL, CARE and ICRA in the same context, often comparing their rating outlooks. Official documents from regulators like the Reserve Bank of India and the Securities and Exchange Board of India also list these entities among approved rating agencies. This confirms that all three are indeed credit rating agencies, and supports the choice of the combined option. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Choosing only CRISIL ignores the fact that CARE and ICRA are also rating agencies. Choosing only CARE fails for the same reason. Choosing only ICRA is also incomplete because it does not acknowledge CRISIL and CARE. Common Pitfalls: A common pitfall is to assume that there might be a trick, and that at least one of the names is not a rating agency but a mutual fund or a bank. Another mistake is to remember only one of the agencies clearly and hesitate about the others. Some candidates also mix up ICRA with similar sounding organisations in other sectors. Regular reading of financial news and familiarity with their full forms helps to fix these names firmly and avoid confusion in the exam hall. Final Answer: All of the above

Question 5

Who among the following was the Chairman of the Fourteenth Finance Commission of India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Finance Commission is a constitutional body in India that recommends the distribution of tax revenues between the Union and the States. Each Finance Commission is numbered and chaired by a distinguished economist or former policymaker. This question tests whether the learner can recall who headed the Fourteenth Finance Commission, which made important recommendations on tax devolution and grants to the States. Given Data / Assumptions: Four well known Indian economists and policymakers are listed as options. The question asks specifically for the Chairman of the Fourteenth Finance Commission. We assume the candidate is roughly aware of recent Finance Commissions and their leadership. Concept / Approach: The approach is pure factual recall. C. Rangarajan, Vijay Kelkar, Y. V. Reddy and Rakesh Mohan have each held important positions in monetary or fiscal policy. However, only one of them served as Chairman of the Fourteenth Finance Commission. By matching the correct name to the correct Commission, we arrive at the answer. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Thirteenth Finance Commission was chaired by Vijay Kelkar, an economist who also worked on tax reforms and fiscal rules. Step 2: Remember that earlier Finance Commissions, such as the Twelfth, were associated with C. Rangarajan, who also served as Governor of the Reserve Bank of India and as Chairman of the Prime Minister Economic Advisory Council. Step 3: The Fourteenth Finance Commission, constituted for the period beginning 2015, was chaired by Y. V. Reddy, a former Governor of the Reserve Bank of India. Step 4: Rakesh Mohan has served as Deputy Governor of the Reserve Bank of India and has held other policy roles, but he did not chair the Fourteenth Finance Commission. Step 5: Therefore the correct answer is Y. V. Reddy. Verification / Alternative check: A learner may recall that the Fourteenth Finance Commission is well known for recommending a significant increase in the share of States in the divisible pool of central taxes, raising it to forty two percent. News reports of that time repeatedly mentioned that the Commission was headed by Y. V. Reddy, former central bank Governor. Cross checking this memory with standard textbooks on Indian economy further confirms that Y. V. Reddy chaired the Fourteenth Finance Commission. Why Other Options Are Wrong: C. Rangarajan chaired a different Finance Commission and was associated primarily with the Twelfth Finance Commission, not the Fourteenth. Vijay Kelkar chaired the Thirteenth Finance Commission and is therefore not correct for this question. Rakesh Mohan has contributed to policy as Deputy Governor of the Reserve Bank of India and in other roles but did not chair the Fourteenth Finance Commission. Common Pitfalls: A common pitfall is to confuse the numbers of Finance Commissions and to mix up who chaired which Commission, especially between Vijay Kelkar and Y. V. Reddy, since both are associated with important fiscal reforms. Another mistake is to answer based only on familiarity with a name rather than on a clear recollection of the specific Commission. To avoid such confusion, aspirants should make a small table linking each recent Finance Commission number with its chairperson and key recommendations. Final Answer: Y. V. Reddy

Question 6

The members of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are which of the following countries?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: NAFTA stands for the North American Free Trade Agreement, a regional trade agreement that brought together specific countries in North America to promote free trade by reducing tariffs and other trade barriers. General knowledge examinations often ask about the membership of famous regional trade agreements such as NAFTA, the European Union, ASEAN and others. This question checks whether candidates know which three countries formed NAFTA. Given Data / Assumptions: The question asks for the member countries of NAFTA. Four options combine the United States of America and Canada with different third countries. We assume familiarity with basic world geography and international organisations. Concept / Approach: NAFTA was a free trade agreement between the United States of America, Canada and Mexico, all of which are North American countries. The other listed countries such as India, Japan and the United Kingdom do not belong to North America and therefore could not be members of NAFTA. By matching the geographical region implied by the agreement with the countries named in the options, the correct combination becomes clear. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Expand the acronym NAFTA as North American Free Trade Agreement. Step 2: Recognise that the member countries must be from North America. Step 3: Examine option A: it lists the United States of America, Canada and Mexico. All three are North American countries. Step 4: Check option B: it pairs the United States of America and Canada with India. India is a South Asian country, not in North America, so this combination cannot describe NAFTA. Step 5: Check option C: it includes Japan, which is an East Asian country and not part of North America, so this option is also wrong. Step 6: Check option D: it combines the United States of America, the United Kingdom and India, none of which together form a North American regional grouping, so this option is incorrect. Step 7: Since only option A groups together three North American countries, the correct answer is the combination of the United States of America, Canada and Mexico. Verification / Alternative check: If a learner recalls that NAFTA created a free trade area covering the entire North American continent, it becomes easier to remember that Mexico was the third member alongside the United States of America and Canada. News about trade negotiations, cross border supply chains in automobiles and agriculture and later discussions about renegotiating NAFTA into a new agreement also consistently mention these three countries and not any others. This provides an independent check that option A is correct. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B is wrong because India is not a North American country and has never been a member of NAFTA. Option C is incorrect because Japan is a Pacific and East Asian country, not part of North America. Option D is incorrect because the United Kingdom and India belong to Europe and Asia respectively, and this combination does not match the idea of a North American free trade grouping. Common Pitfalls: Sometimes candidates see familiar country names like India or the United Kingdom and feel tempted to choose an option that includes them, especially if they recall separate trade relations between these countries and the United States of America. Another error is to ignore the geographical clue in the phrase North American when expanding the acronym NAFTA. Always expand such acronyms and use the regional description to guide the selection of member countries. Final Answer: United States of America, Canada and Mexico

Question 7

The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India relates to the administration of tribal areas in which of the following States?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Constitution of India contains special provisions for the administration of tribal and scheduled areas, especially in the North Eastern region. The Sixth Schedule provides for Autonomous District Councils and Regional Councils in certain States, granting them powers related to local governance and customary law. This question tests whether the learner can correctly identify the group of States to which the Sixth Schedule applies. Given Data / Assumptions: The question asks specifically about the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India. Four combinations of North Eastern States are provided. We assume standard constitutional knowledge taught in Indian polity courses. Concept / Approach: The Sixth Schedule deals with special arrangements for tribal areas in four States of the North Eastern region. These States are Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. The other States of the North East, such as Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh, have other kinds of arrangements but are not covered under the Sixth Schedule in the same way. By comparing each option to this known list, we can locate the correct combination. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Sixth Schedule covers tribal areas in four States: Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. Step 2: Examine option A: it lists Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. This matches the list remembered for the Sixth Schedule. Step 3: Consider option B: it replaces Assam with Manipur. However, Manipur is not a State where Autonomous District Councils are constituted under the Sixth Schedule in the same way, so this combination is incorrect. Step 4: Look at option C: it includes Manipur but leaves out Mizoram. Since Mizoram is a Sixth Schedule State, option C is wrong. Step 5: Check option D: it lists Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh along with Meghalaya and Tripura. This group again does not match the recognised Sixth Schedule States. Step 6: Therefore the only option that exactly matches the official list is option A. Verification / Alternative check: Learners can cross check by remembering common exam facts that mention Autonomous District Councils such as the Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills and Garo Hills Councils in Meghalaya, the Bodoland Territorial Council and others in Assam, councils in Tripura and district councils in Mizoram. These examples are repeatedly associated with the Sixth Schedule. In contrast, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh are usually discussed under different constitutional provisions, which further confirms that option A is correct. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Options B, C and D incorrectly include Manipur and sometimes Arunachal Pradesh while excluding one or more of the actual Sixth Schedule States. Any list of States that does not include all of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram cannot correctly represent the coverage of the Sixth Schedule. Common Pitfalls: The main pitfall is confusion among the various North Eastern States because they share similar geographic and cultural features and often have special constitutional provisions. Candidates may assume that all North Eastern States are covered under the Sixth Schedule, which is not the case. Another difficulty is mixing up the Fifth Schedule, which deals with scheduled areas in other parts of India, with the Sixth Schedule, which is specific to certain tribal areas in the North East. Keeping a clear mapping between each Schedule and the States it covers avoids such confusion. Final Answer: Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram

Question 8

The Deccan Agriculturalists Relief Act of 1879 was enacted with which primary objective?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Deccan Agriculturalists Relief Act of 1879 was passed in the aftermath of severe agrarian distress and peasant uprisings in the Deccan region of colonial India. Moneylenders had acquired large areas of cultivable land from indebted peasants. The colonial government responded by enacting legislation aimed at giving some protection to agriculturists. This question tests knowledge of the main objective of that Act in the context of modern Indian history and agrarian policy. Given Data / Assumptions: The question refers specifically to the Deccan Agriculturalists Relief Act of 1879. Four different objectives are suggested, involving land restoration, financial support, restrictions on land sale and legal aid. We assume awareness of the peasant movements and moneylender issues in the Deccan region during the late nineteenth century. Concept / Approach: The Act came in response to conflicts between peasants and moneylenders after heavy indebtedness. It sought to regulate the relationship by limiting the seizure and transfer of peasant lands and by providing special procedures for debt cases involving agriculturists. The key theme is protection from oppressive moneylending practices, particularly the sale and attachment of land. Among the options, the objective that best captures this idea is the one about restricting the sale of land for indebtedness to outsiders and protecting peasants from moneylenders. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall the historical background. In the Deccan region, peasants became heavily indebted and many lost their lands to moneylenders, which led to violent uprisings known as the Deccan Riots. Step 2: The government realised that unregulated moneylending and land transfers were fuelling unrest and decided to pass legislation to provide some relief to agriculturists. Step 3: The Deccan Agriculturalists Relief Act aimed at limiting the power of moneylenders and protecting peasant proprietors. It introduced special courts, special procedures, and restricted certain transfers of land to non agriculturists. Step 4: Evaluate option A: restoring land to dispossessed peasants sounds attractive, but the Act was more about regulating future transactions and debt settlement than automatically restoring all land already lost. Step 5: Evaluate option B: financial assistance for social or religious occasions was not the central theme of the Act and does not capture the idea of regulating moneylending. Step 6: Evaluate option C: restricting the sale of land for indebtedness to outsiders and protecting peasants from moneylenders describes the core spirit of the Act by focusing on land transfer limitations and relief from oppressive debts. Step 7: Evaluate option D: providing legal aid to insolvent peasants only in urban areas does not reflect the rural Deccan setting or the actual provisions of the Act. Step 8: Therefore option C is the most accurate description of the primary objective. Verification / Alternative check: Students can verify by recalling that standard history textbooks describe the Deccan Agriculturalists Relief Act as a measure to protect peasants from moneylenders, for example by restricting land attachment and sale, and by giving courts powers to scale down or manage debts. There is no emphasis on urban areas, and no simple blanket promise to restore all lost land. This supports the conclusion that the central goal was to limit land sales and curb moneylender power, which matches option C most closely. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A exaggerates the degree to which the Act restored land. It focused more on procedure and protection in future transactions than on automatic restoration. Option B misrepresents the purpose as providing financial support for ceremonies, which was not the aim. Option D incorrectly locates the Act in urban areas and focuses on legal aid rather than agrarian relief, which does not match the historical context. Common Pitfalls: Learners sometimes assume that any relief Act must have restored all land to peasants, which is not accurate. Another pitfall is to confuse the Deccan Agriculturalists Relief Act with later welfare or social security programmes that focus on grants or ceremonial expenses. It is essential to link the Act to the specific problem of moneylenders acquiring peasant lands and to understand that the legislative response focused on regulating land transfer and debt procedures, not on broad financial subsidies. Final Answer: To restrict the sale of land for indebtedness to outsiders and protect peasants from moneylenders

Question 9

Which of the following writs is issued by a higher court to quash the order of a lower Court or Tribunal?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Constitution of India empowers higher courts to issue various writs to protect fundamental rights and ensure legality in administrative and judicial actions. The names of these writs are borrowed from English law and each writ has a specific purpose. This question tests whether the learner can identify which writ is used to quash an order of a lower Court or Tribunal when that order has been passed without jurisdiction or in violation of law. Given Data / Assumptions: The writs listed are Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo Warranto and Certiorari. The question specifically mentions quashing the order of a Court or Tribunal. We assume basic knowledge of constitutional law and the jurisdiction of higher courts like the Supreme Court and High Courts. Concept / Approach: Each writ serves a different function. Mandamus is a command to perform a public duty. Prohibition is issued to prevent a lower court from continuing proceedings in excess of its jurisdiction. Quo Warranto challenges a person right to hold a public office. Certiorari is issued to quash orders of inferior courts or tribunals when they act without jurisdiction, in excess of jurisdiction, or in violation of natural justice. Since the question asks about quashing an order, we match this to the writ of Certiorari. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that Mandamus literally means we command and is used to direct a public authority to perform a duty it is legally bound to perform. It is not primarily used to quash judicial orders. Step 2: Remember that Prohibition is a writ issued by a higher court to a lower court or tribunal to stop it from proceeding with a case when it is acting beyond its jurisdiction. It is preventive rather than corrective. Step 3: Recall that Quo Warranto is issued to ask by what authority a person holds a public office and can be used to restrain a person from acting in an office to which they are not legally entitled. Step 4: Certiorari is a writ issued by a higher court to an inferior court or tribunal to transfer a case or to quash its order when it has acted without jurisdiction, in excess of jurisdiction or in violation of principles of natural justice. Step 5: Since the question asks specifically about quashing the order of a Court or Tribunal, the writ that best fits is Certiorari. Verification / Alternative check: A simple mnemonic is that Prohibition stops a lower court from proceeding, while Certiorari corrects or quashes what has already been done. Learners can remember the sequence as Prohibition for preventing future illegality and Certiorari for curing past illegality by quashing orders. This distinction, found in standard polity textbooks, confirms that Certiorari is the correct writ when the focus is on quashing an order already made. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Mandamus directs performance of duty and does not primarily serve to quash judicial orders. Prohibition is preventive and restrains further proceedings, but does not quash an order already passed. Quo Warranto deals with the validity of a person claim to hold a public office, not with the correctness of a court order. Common Pitfalls: Candidates often confuse Prohibition and Certiorari because both involve higher courts controlling lower courts. The key difference is timing and effect. Prohibition stops proceedings before a final order is passed, while Certiorari removes or nullifies an order already made. Another pitfall is ignoring the Latin meaning and precise legal description of each writ, which can lead to random guessing. Careful reading of standard constitutional law summaries resolves this confusion. Final Answer: Certiorari

Question 10

Which of the following statements about the power to change the basic structure of the Constitution of India is or are correct?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The doctrine of basic structure is a central concept in Indian constitutional law. It arises from landmark Supreme Court judgments which held that while Parliament has wide amending powers under Article 368, it cannot alter the basic structure of the Constitution. This question tests whether the learner understands how this doctrine limits Parliament and where the theoretical power to change the basic structure would lie, if at all. Given Data / Assumptions: Statement 1: The power to change the basic structure falls outside the scope of the amending powers of Parliament. Statement 2: The power to change the basic structure can be exercised by the people through representatives in a Constituent Assembly. Statement 3: The power to change the basic structure falls within the constituent powers of Parliament. The task is to select the correct combination of statements. Concept / Approach: According to the Supreme Court, Parliament under Article 368 has wide powers to amend the Constitution, but it cannot alter its basic structure. This implies that changing the basic structure falls outside Parliament amending power. Many scholars argue that only an original Constituent Assembly representing the people could fundamentally rewrite the constitutional design. Therefore statements that place the power within Parliament amending authority are incorrect. By evaluating each statement against this doctrine, we can identify the correct combination. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Examine statement 1. The Supreme Court has held that Parliament cannot use its amending power to destroy or alter the basic structure of the Constitution. This clearly means that such a power falls outside the scope of the usual amending powers under Article 368. Hence statement 1 is correct. Step 2: Consider statement 2. If Parliament amending power is limited by the basic structure doctrine, the only theoretical body that could completely redesign the constitutional framework would be a fresh Constituent Assembly representing the people in an original constituent capacity. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that a body of representatives specifically mandated as a Constituent Assembly could exercise such a power. Statement 2 is thus treated as correct in this conceptual sense. Step 3: Evaluate statement 3. This statement claims that the power to change the basic structure lies within the constituent powers of Parliament. This contradicts the basic structure doctrine, which explicitly restricts Parliament and says that amendments cannot damage or destroy basic structure. Step 4: Therefore statement 3 must be considered incorrect. Step 5: Since statements 1 and 2 are correct and statement 3 is incorrect, the combination we must choose is 1 and 2. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, one can recall the essence of the Kesavananda Bharati case, where the Supreme Court held that Parliament could amend any part of the Constitution but could not alter its basic structure. Later cases reinforced this limitation. None of these judgments suggest that Parliament itself can change basic structure. At the same time, constitutional theory recognises a distinction between ordinary constitutional amendments and the original act of constitution making by a Constituent Assembly. Hence the idea that the people in a new Constituent Assembly could change the basic structure is conceptually acceptable, which confirms statements 1 and 2 as correct together. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A (1 and 3) is wrong because statement 3 contradicts the basic structure doctrine. Option C (1 only) ignores the conceptual role of a Constituent Assembly as an original constitution making body. Option D (2 and 3) cannot be correct because statement 3 is inconsistent with settled case law. Common Pitfalls: Learners sometimes assume that Parliament constituent power under Article 368 is unlimited and that basic structure is just another phrase for a very strong but still amendable rule, which is not accurate. Others may hesitate about the idea of a Constituent Assembly because the Constitution does not currently provide a procedure for calling one. The important point is that the Supreme Court has clearly said Parliament cannot change basic structure, and that if the people wanted to completely replace the Constitution, they would do so as an original constituent power, not through routine amendments. Final Answer: 1 and 2

Question 11

Who among the following organised the All India Scheduled Castes Federation as a political platform for Dalits?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The All India Scheduled Castes Federation was an important political organisation in pre independence and early post independence India that sought to represent the interests of Dalits and Scheduled Castes. It was associated with a major leader of the Dalit movement who also played a key role in drafting the Constitution of India. This question checks whether learners can correctly identify that leader. Given Data / Assumptions: Four prominent social and political leaders are listed as options: Jyotiba Phule, Periyar, B. R. Ambedkar and M. K. Karunanidhi. The question asks who organised the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. We assume basic awareness of major leaders of the anti caste and social justice movements. Concept / Approach: B. R. Ambedkar was a leading voice for the rights of Dalits and Scheduled Castes. He founded and led several organisations and political parties, including the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. Jyotiba Phule and Periyar were also important social reformers, but they were associated with different organisations and earlier phases of the movement. M. K. Karunanidhi was a prominent Dravidian leader and former Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, not the organiser of this specific federation. By matching these leaders with the correct organisations, we identify the right answer. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that B. R. Ambedkar, a principal architect of the Constitution and a major Dalit leader, formed the All India Scheduled Castes Federation in the 1940s as a political platform to represent Scheduled Caste interests. Step 2: Understand that Jyotiba Phule was an earlier nineteenth century reformer who founded the Satyashodhak Samaj and worked for the uplift of lower castes and women, but did not organise the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. Step 3: Recognise that Periyar E. V. Ramasamy led the Self Respect Movement and the Dravidian movement in the south, and while he fought caste oppression, he did not head this particular federation. Step 4: Note that M. K. Karunanidhi was a later Dravidian political leader and Chief Minister, again associated with different parties, mainly the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, not with the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. Step 5: Therefore the correct answer is B. R. Ambedkar. Verification / Alternative check: Learners may recall that after differences with the Congress, Ambedkar wanted an independent political voice for Dalits and formed the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, which later influenced other Dalit oriented parties. History textbooks and biographies of Ambedkar consistently mention this organisation in his political career timeline. Comparing this information with the biographies of Phule, Periyar and Karunanidhi confirms that they had their own separate organisations but not this particular federation. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Jyotiba Phule worked mainly in the late nineteenth century and focused on educational and social reform through Satyashodhak Samaj, not the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. Periyar led the Self Respect and Dravidian movements and formed the Dravidar Kazhagam, not this federation. M. K. Karunanidhi was a leader of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and served as Chief Minister, but did not organise the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. Common Pitfalls: A frequent pitfall is to associate any Dalit related organisation with Ambedkar without checking the exact name and period, or conversely to confuse south Indian social reformers with north and western based Dalit movements. Another issue is failing to distinguish between social reform societies and political federations. Aspirants should map each major leader to their key organisations to avoid such confusion. Final Answer: B. R. Ambedkar

Question 12

The mobile application cVIGIL, launched by the Election Commission of India, is primarily useful for which of the following purposes?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Election Commission of India has adopted various technological tools to improve the conduct of elections and to involve citizens in monitoring violations. One such tool is the cVIGIL mobile application. General knowledge questions often ask about the purpose of such government apps. This question checks whether the learner knows that cVIGIL is related to enforcement of the Model Code of Conduct during elections. Given Data / Assumptions: The app mentioned is cVIGIL. Four possible uses are listed: e tendering, reporting corruption, cleaning municipal garbage, and reporting Model Code of Conduct violations. We assume awareness of recent Election Commission initiatives from current affairs. Concept / Approach: cVIGIL is designed to allow citizens to quickly and securely report violations of the Model Code of Conduct, such as illegal hoardings, distribution of inducements or misuse of official machinery during election periods. The app sends geo tagged photographs and complaints to election authorities. It is not designed for tendering, general anti corruption complaints or municipal waste management. By matching this specific purpose with the options, we can identify the correct answer. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that cVIGIL stands for vigilant citizen and is linked to the Election Commission of India. Step 2: The app enables citizens to take photographs or videos of suspected election code violations and send them along with location data to election officials. Step 3: Option A refers to e tendering processes in government offices, which are usually managed through separate procurement portals and not through cVIGIL. Step 4: Option B suggests that cVIGIL is a generic anti corruption app, but there are other mechanisms for corruption complaints; cVIGIL is specifically election related. Step 5: Option C mentions garbage removal and sanitation, which is typically handled through municipal apps and not through the Election Commission application. Step 6: Option D correctly describes cVIGIL as a tool to report violations of the Model Code of Conduct in election bound States. Step 7: Therefore option D is the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: News coverage around major elections has highlighted that citizens can use cVIGIL to send complaints about election related malpractices and that the Election Commission aims to respond quickly. These reports emphasize that the app is restricted to the election period and to complaints falling under the Model Code of Conduct, rather than to general governance issues. This reinforces the conclusion that the app purpose is correctly stated in option D. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A is wrong because procurement and tendering are not under the direct purview of cVIGIL. Option B is incorrect since cVIGIL is not a generic anti corruption platform for all public services. Option C is incorrect because cVIGIL does not deal with municipal garbage or sanitation complaints. Common Pitfalls: A common pitfall is to answer based only on the idea that any app with a name including VIGIL must be related to anti corruption or general vigilance. Another mistake is to ignore the specific connection between the Election Commission and the Model Code of Conduct. Aspirants should remember that cVIGIL is tied to elections and is different from other governance apps such as municipal complaint apps or procurement portals. Final Answer: Reporting violations of the Model Code of Conduct in election bound States

Question 13

Prahaar in the context of India defence capability refers to which of the following?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: India has developed several indigenous weapon systems with distinct names. Prahaar is one such system and features frequently in current affairs related to defence. Examination questions often test whether candidates can correctly match the name of a weapon system with its type, for example, whether it is a missile, tank, aircraft carrier or submarine. This question specifically asks about Prahaar. Given Data / Assumptions: The term Prahaar is given without further description. Four possible types are listed: battle tank, surface to surface missile, aircraft carrier and submarine. We assume basic awareness of major Indian missile and weapon programmes. Concept / Approach: Prahaar is an Indian surface to surface short range missile system designed to provide a quick reaction tactical strike capability. It is not a tank, ship or submarine. The approach is to recall whether Prahaar has been described in news reports and defence summaries as a missile and to differentiate it from the names of tanks (such as Arjun), aircraft carriers (such as Vikramaditya) or submarines (such as Arihant). Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that Prahaar is an all weather, all terrain surface to surface tactical missile developed to fill the gap between multi barrel rocket systems and longer range ballistic missiles. Step 2: Because it is designed to deliver a conventional warhead to targets on land, it clearly belongs to the surface to surface missile category. Step 3: Option A suggests that Prahaar is a battle tank. This is incorrect, since the Indian indigenous tank is known as Arjun, not Prahaar. Step 4: Option C proposes that Prahaar is an aircraft carrier, but major Indian aircraft carriers have names like Vikramaditya and Vikrant, not Prahaar. Step 5: Option D suggests that Prahaar is a submarine, but Indian nuclear and conventional submarines have different names, such as Arihant or Kalvari. Step 6: Therefore option B, which identifies Prahaar as a surface to surface missile, is correct. Verification / Alternative check: Defence news often mentions test launches of Prahaar from missile ranges, describing its range, guidance and payload characteristics. These reports clearly classify it as a missile system. It is never described as a tank, ship or submarine. Furthermore, Indian naval assets and armoured vehicles have their own distinct naming patterns that do not match Prahaar. This cross check confirms that Prahaar must be a surface to surface missile. Why Other Options Are Wrong: A battle tank is an armoured land vehicle, not a missile. Prahaar is not used in that sense. An aircraft carrier is a large warship designed to carry aircraft. Prahaar is a land based missile and does not fit this description. A submarine is an underwater naval platform, again very different from a short range missile system. Common Pitfalls: Candidates sometimes confuse names of different weapon systems due to similar sounding Sanskrit words. They may also assume that any strong sounding name could apply to any weapon. The best way to avoid such errors is to prepare a small list linking each prominent name to its correct category, such as Akash for surface to air missile, Arjun for main battle tank and Prahaar for surface to surface missile. This quick mental mapping helps during exams. Final Answer: A surface-to-surface missile

Question 14

Which European traveller observed that a Hindu woman could go anywhere alone without fearing impertinent looks or jokes from idle loungers?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: European travellers and observers left many accounts of social life in India during the pre colonial and early colonial periods. Their writings provide important insights into customs, gender relations and everyday behaviour, although they also reflect their own biases. This question focuses on a specific quotation about Hindu women being able to move freely in public without fear of impertinent looks, and asks which European observer made this remark. Given Data / Assumptions: Four European travellers or observers are listed: Francois Bernier, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Thomas Roe and Abbe J. A. Dubois. The quotation talks about Hindu women moving alone safely in crowded public places. We assume some familiarity with which texts and observations each of these figures is known for. Concept / Approach: Bernier and Tavernier were seventeenth century travellers who wrote about the Mughal court and trade. Thomas Roe was an English ambassador at the Mughal court. Abbe J. A. Dubois was a French missionary who spent many years in southern India and wrote a detailed ethnographic work on Hindu manners and customs. His descriptions often include comments on social conduct, such as how women moved in public spaces. By matching the style and focus of the quotation to the writers, we can identify Abbe Dubois as the most likely source. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recognise that the quotation is an observation about everyday social life and behaviour of ordinary Hindus, not specifically about royal courts or high politics. Step 2: Francois Bernier wrote extensively about the Mughal court, the nobility and political structures. While he did mention social issues, his main focus was not ethnographic description of common customs in the same detailed way as some later writers. Step 3: Jean-Baptiste Tavernier was a jeweller and merchant whose writings concentrate on trade, precious stones and his travels, not primarily on nuanced social comments about women safety in public spaces. Step 4: Thomas Roe wrote about diplomatic missions and negotiations at the Mughal court and about his experiences as an ambassador. His accounts are less focused on detailed descriptions of Hindu social life at the village level. Step 5: Abbe J. A. Dubois, a French missionary, lived in India for many years and wrote a comprehensive account of Hindu manners, customs and rituals. His work contains detailed observations about clothing, social norms and how women behaved in public settings. Step 6: The specific remark about Hindu women being able to go anywhere alone without fear of impertinent looks is consistent with the ethnographic style of Dubois. Step 7: Therefore the correct answer is Abbe J. A. Dubois. Verification / Alternative check: History reference works that summarise European accounts often attribute this particular observation to Abbe Dubois, noting his surprise at the modesty and restraint he perceived in public behaviour. Cross referencing these summaries with exam preparation materials confirms that Dubois, not Bernier, Tavernier or Roe, is associated with this specific comment about Hindu women safety and freedom of movement. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Francois Bernier focused more on political and economic structures rather than this kind of detailed social remark. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier wrote primarily as a merchant about trade and precious stones. Thomas Roe is known for his diplomatic mission and court chronicles, not for ethnographic observations of Hindu social life. Common Pitfalls: A common pitfall is to guess Bernier or Tavernier because their names frequently appear in questions about European travellers. Students may not pay attention to differences between court centric narratives and village level ethnography. Another mistake is to overlook Abbe Dubois simply because he is not as often mentioned in basic textbook lists of Mughal era visitors. Careful study of which author is associated with which type of description helps avoid such confusion. Final Answer: Abbe J. A. Dubois

Question 15

Which Indian social theorist argued that the idea of a homogenised nation state reflects the cultural arrogance of post Enlightenment Europe?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Modern Indian social theory includes critical reflections on colonialism, modernity and the nation state. Some theorists have argued that the notion of a single homogenised nation is not universal but rooted in a specific European historical experience, especially after the Enlightenment. This question asks which Indian social theorist described the idea of a homogenised nation state as an expression of the cultural arrogance of post Enlightenment Europe. Given Data / Assumptions: The options list Ashis Nandy, Partha Chatterjee, T. K. Oommen and Rajni Kothari. The key phrase in the question is cultural arrogance of post Enlightenment Europe. We assume some familiarity with the themes and writings of these thinkers. Concept / Approach: Ashis Nandy is known for his critique of modernity, colonialism and the importation of Western categories into Indian social and political life. He often questions the universality of Western models, including the modern nation state. Partha Chatterjee writes on nationalism and postcolonial theory but uses somewhat different language. T. K. Oommen and Rajni Kothari contribute to sociology and political science in other ways. The phrase about cultural arrogance closely matches the style and argument of Ashis Nandy. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Consider Ashis Nandy. His work often challenges the assumption that Western modernity provides the only legitimate standards for politics and culture. He criticises attempts to impose a uniform model of the nation state on diverse societies. Step 2: The expression cultural arrogance of post Enlightenment Europe reflects a critique of how European powers and intellectual traditions universalised their own experiences and treated them as norms for the rest of the world. This fits Ashis Nandy critical stance. Step 3: Partha Chatterjee has written influentially on nationalism and the postcolonial nation, but his arguments usually focus on concepts like inner and outer domains and the difference between national and civil society, rather than using this exact phrase. Step 4: T. K. Oommen has contributed to the sociology of nation and citizenship, but he is not generally associated with this specific formulation about cultural arrogance of Europe. Step 5: Rajni Kothari focused on Indian democracy, state and political parties, and while he was critical of centralised power, this particular phrase does not typically describe his core ideas. Step 6: Given this, the social theorist most closely linked to the phrase in the question is Ashis Nandy. Verification / Alternative check: Examination guides on Indian social thought and previous year question explanations attribute this specific idea to Ashis Nandy. His writings, such as those on the culture of politics and the critique of secularism, repeatedly challenge Western universalist assumptions and highlight the ways in which European models are presented as superior. This context supports the association of the phrase with his work and not with the other theorists listed. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Partha Chatterjee is an important theorist of nationalism but uses a different conceptual vocabulary, so attributing this exact phrase to him would be inaccurate. T. K. Oommen does not usually frame his critique in this way and is not commonly linked with this statement. Rajni Kothari focuses more on democratic politics and state society relations rather than on the specific cultural critique of post Enlightenment Europe described in the question. Common Pitfalls: The main pitfall is to guess based on general familiarity with names rather than on the specific content of their theories. All four are respected scholars, so candidates may be tempted to choose randomly. Another mistake is to associate any postcolonial criticism with Partha Chatterjee without checking whether the question refers to his distinctive ideas or to those of Ashis Nandy. Reading short summaries of each thinker main contributions can help avoid such confusion. Final Answer: Ashis Nandy

Question 16

The term sub-prime crisis is associated with which of the following economic events?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The term sub-prime crisis is widely used to describe the financial turmoil that began in the United States housing market and spread globally in the late 2000s. It involved risky home loans given to borrowers with weak credit profiles and the complex financial instruments built on those loans. This question tests whether the learner can correctly associate the sub-prime crisis with the broader economic event of recession and financial market collapse rather than with unrelated political or social developments. Given Data / Assumptions: The term sub-prime crisis is given without date or country, but the context is international financial news. Options refer to economic recession, political instability, structural adjustment and social inequality. We assume basic awareness of the global financial crisis that began around 2007 and 2008. Concept / Approach: Sub-prime loans are loans given to borrowers who do not meet prime credit standards. When many such loans were made in the housing market and packaged into complex securities, defaults led to severe losses for financial institutions. This triggered a broader financial crisis and economic recession. Therefore, the sub-prime crisis is closely associated with a financial market collapse and global economic slowdown, not with generic political or social issues mentioned in the other options. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Understand that sub-prime refers to loans given to borrowers with lower creditworthiness, often at higher interest rates and under lax standards. Step 2: In the United States, a large volume of sub-prime housing loans were issued. When interest rates rose and housing prices stopped increasing, many borrowers defaulted. Step 3: These loans had been bundled into mortgage backed securities and sold across the financial system. Losses on these securities undermined banks and investment firms. Step 4: The resulting collapse of major financial institutions and tightening of credit contributed to a severe economic recession. Step 5: Option A correctly links the sub-prime crisis to an economic recession caused by risky housing loans and financial market collapse. Step 6: Options B, C and D describe different phenomena political instability, structural adjustment and social inequality that are important issues but not what the term sub-prime crisis specifically denotes. Step 7: Therefore option A is the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: Learners can recall that news at the time spoke of the global financial crisis or the Great Recession originating from the United States sub-prime mortgage market. Commentators linked this to failures of financial regulation, complex derivatives and housing market bubbles. No standard explanation connects the term sub-prime crisis with coalition politics, structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s or general social inequality, even though those are important topics in economics and politics. This confirms that the association in option A is the correct one. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Political instability in coalition governments may lead to economic uncertainty, but it is not referred to as the sub-prime crisis. Structural adjustment programmes were policy packages in earlier decades and are not the event described by the sub-prime crisis label. Growing social inequality is a serious issue but is not the specific phenomenon to which the term sub-prime crisis is applied. Common Pitfalls: Some candidates may treat sub-prime as simply another way of saying underdeveloped or disadvantaged and therefore link it to social inequality. Others may think that any major crisis could fit the term. The key is to remember that sub-prime is a technical term from banking referring to a category of risky loans, and that the sub-prime crisis refers specifically to the financial turmoil triggered by those loans. Keeping this technical meaning in mind prevents misinterpretation. Final Answer: Economic recession caused by risky housing loans and financial market collapse

Question 17

Which one of the following canons of taxation was not advocated by Adam Smith in his classic work on the wealth of nations?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Adam Smith, often called the father of modern economics, laid down certain principles for a good tax system in his classic work on the wealth of nations. These principles are known as canons of taxation and are frequently tested in examinations on public finance and Indian economy. This question asks which of the listed canons was not part of Adam Smith original set. Given Data / Assumptions: The options mention canon of equity, canon of certainty, canon of convenience and canon of fiscal adequacy. Adam Smith is known to have proposed a specific set of four canons in his work. We assume that the learner is familiar with those four original canons. Concept / Approach: Adam Smith classical canons are often summarised as equity, certainty, convenience and economy. Later writers have added additional canons such as productivity, elasticity and fiscal adequacy. Therefore, by comparing the classical list to the options, we can identify which one belongs to later additions rather than to Adam Smith original formulation. That later addition is canon of fiscal adequacy. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall Adam Smith four basic canons of taxation: equity, certainty, convenience and economy. Step 2: Equity means that taxes should be in proportion to the ability to pay, ensuring fairness. Step 3: Certainty means the tax which each individual must pay ought to be certain and not arbitrary in amount or time of payment. Step 4: Convenience means that every tax should be levied at the time and manner that is most convenient for the taxpayer. Step 5: Economy means that the cost of collection should be as small as possible relative to the tax revenue collected. Step 6: Option A, canon of equity, is clearly one of Adam Smith canons. Step 7: Option B, canon of certainty, is also one of Adam Smith original canons. Step 8: Option C, canon of convenience, is again part of the original list. Step 9: Option D, canon of fiscal adequacy, is a later addition by other economists who emphasised that the tax system should yield adequate revenue for government expenditure, but it is not one of Adam Smith four classic canons. Step 10: Therefore the correct answer is canon of fiscal adequacy. Verification / Alternative check: Any standard public finance or Indian economy textbook summarises Adam Smith contribution by listing the four canons and often contrasts them with additional canons suggested later. The four listed almost always match the words equity, certainty, convenience and economy. Fiscal adequacy appears in these texts under the heading of modern or additional canons. This pattern confirms that fiscal adequacy was not part of the original Smithian list. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Canon of equity is one of the classic canons, focusing on fairness of taxation. Canon of certainty is clearly mentioned by Adam Smith to avoid arbitrariness. Canon of convenience is another original canon, dealing with ease of payment for taxpayers. Common Pitfalls: Learners sometimes confuse canon of economy with fiscal adequacy, thinking that both sound like concerns about government finances. Economy, however, is about minimising collection costs, while adequacy is about sufficient revenue. Another pitfall is to memorise lists from different authors without distinguishing which items were proposed by Adam Smith and which were developed later. A simple memory aid is to remember the initials E, C, C, E (equity, certainty, convenience, economy) as the four classic canons. Final Answer: Canon of fiscal adequacy

Question 18

Which Arab scientist is credited with giving his name to the mathematical discipline known today as algorithm?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The word algorithm, fundamental to modern computer science and mathematics, has historical roots in the work and name of a medieval Arab mathematician. Understanding this origin is part of general awareness about the contribution of Islamic scholars to mathematics. This question asks which Arab scientist name evolved into the term algorithm. Given Data / Assumptions: Four prominent scholars from the Islamic Golden Age are listed: Al-Khwarizmi, Ibn al-Haytham, Ibn Rushd and Ibn Sina. The question links one of them to the origin of the term algorithm. We assume basic awareness that algorithm is related to arithmetic and algebra. Concept / Approach: The term algorithm is derived from the Latinised version of the name of Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, a mathematician who wrote influential works on arithmetic and algebra. His treatises were translated into Latin, where his name appeared as Algoritmi, which later evolved into the word algorithm. The other scholars on the list are also famous, but for different contributions in optics, philosophy and medicine. Matching this historical information to the options identifies the correct scientist. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recognise that algorithm originally referred to the rules of arithmetic based on the Hindu Arabic numeral system as presented in the Latin translations of Al-Khwarizmi works. Step 2: Al-Khwarizmi wrote important treatises on calculation using Indian numerals and on algebraic methods, which had a deep influence on European mathematics. Step 3: In Latin, his name was rendered as Algoritmi or similar variants. Over time, the term came to be associated with the step by step rules of calculation and eventually general procedures for solving mathematical problems, leading to the modern usage algorithm. Step 4: Ibn al-Haytham is known for his pioneering work in optics and experimental methods, not for giving his name to algorithm. Step 5: Ibn Rushd, also known as Averroes, is remembered mainly as a philosopher and commentator on Aristotle. Step 6: Ibn Sina, or Avicenna, is celebrated for his medical and philosophical works. Step 7: Therefore the correct answer is Al-Khwarizmi. Verification / Alternative check: Historical notes in mathematics textbooks often point out that both algebra and algorithm words are linked to Arabic scholarship, with algebra coming from al-jabr in the title of Al-Khwarizmi book and algorithm coming from his Latinised name. This double connection makes Al-Khwarizmi easy to associate with both disciplines. There is no similar linguistic link between algorithm and the names of Ibn al-Haytham, Ibn Rushd or Ibn Sina, which confirms that Al-Khwarizmi is the correct choice. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Ibn al-Haytham contributed to optics and scientific method, not to the naming of algorithm. Ibn Rushd contributions lie in philosophy and legal theory, not in arithmetic naming. Ibn Sina is primarily associated with medicine and philosophy, especially his Canon of Medicine. Common Pitfalls: The main pitfall is to recognise these names as important Islamic scholars but not to connect them with the specific term asked in the question. Without careful reading, learners may guess randomly. Another issue is confusing the origin of algebra with the origin of algorithm, even though both are connected to Al-Khwarizmi. Remember that both words can be linked to him, which makes it easier to answer correctly. Final Answer: Al-Khwarizmi

Question 19

In the context of the 2007 Indo US Civil Nuclear Agreement, which one of the following provisions was actually included in the final text of the agreement?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question checks understanding of a key provision of the 2007 Indo US Civil Nuclear Agreement, also called the 123 Agreement. Many competitive exams test what rights India obtained under this agreement, especially with respect to nuclear fuel, reprocessing, and strategic autonomy. Given Data / Assumptions: The question refers specifically to the Indo US Nuclear Agreement of 2007. We must identify which statement correctly reflects a provision that was actually included in the agreement. The options describe different possible conditions relating to reprocessing, strategic fuel reserves, nuclear testing, and weapons growth. Concept / Approach: The agreement was designed to allow international civil nuclear cooperation with India while ensuring non proliferation safeguards. A very important feature was the recognition of India's right, in principle, to reprocess spent nuclear fuel of United States origin in a dedicated, safeguarded facility. At the same time, provisions about strategic fuel reserves and nuclear weapons testing were handled more indirectly, through political commitments rather than explicit treaty style bans inside the agreement text. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the 123 Agreement recognised an advance right for India to reprocess safeguarded spent fuel, subject to setting up a dedicated safeguarded facility and agreeing on arrangements and procedures with the United States.Step 2: Examine option A, which states that India has an advance right to reprocess United States origin spent fuel under safeguards. This matches the core provision of the agreement.Step 3: Option B wrongly says that India did not have the right to build a strategic fuel reserve. In reality, the agreement and related statements allowed India to build fuel reserves with supplier cooperation.Step 4: Option C suggests a complete ban on future nuclear tests by India. The agreement itself did not include such a direct ban, although there were political expectations and related domestic legislation in the United States.Step 5: Option D claims the United States will directly impede the growth of India's nuclear weapons programme, which is not an explicit provision of the civil nuclear cooperation agreement. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative way to verify is to remember that Indian negotiators emphasised three strategic interests: assured fuel supply, right to reprocess, and strategic autonomy. Among the options given, only the right to reprocess safeguarded spent fuel clearly appears as a recognised legal right within the framework of the agreement, subject to conditions. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B is wrong because India was allowed to work with other suppliers to build a strategic fuel reserve to ensure continuity of supply. Option C is wrong because the agreement did not explicitly prohibit India from conducting nuclear tests in the future, although a test could have consequences for cooperation. Option D is wrong because there is no clause that allows the United States to directly control or impede the growth of India's nuclear weapons programme. The agreement is focused on civil nuclear cooperation, not on direct weapons control. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to confuse general political debates around the agreement with the exact legal text of the 123 Agreement. Students sometimes assume that any discussion of tests or fuel cut off was written into the agreement as a hard and explicit ban, which is not correct. Another pitfall is to mix up the separate but related United States domestic legislation with the bilateral agreement itself. Final Answer: The correct provision included in the 2007 Indo US Nuclear Agreement is the recognition that India has an advance right to reprocess United States origin safeguarded spent nuclear fuel under safeguards.

Question 20

Regarding Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar as a key drafting member of the Constitution of India, which of the following statements correctly describe his views on the Supreme Court and governance?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question examines knowledge about the views of Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, one of the eminent members of the Constituent Assembly and a key figure in drafting the Constitution of India. It focuses on how he viewed the role of the Supreme Court and the balance between liberty, social control, and the executive. Given Data / Assumptions: Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar was a prominent lawyer and a member of the Drafting Committee. The statements in the options relate to the role of the Supreme Court, liberty versus social control, and the nature of governance. We need to choose the statement that correctly reflects his position as known from Constituent Assembly debates and commentaries. Concept / Approach: The approach is to recall that many framers, including Ayyar, supported a strong and independent Supreme Court that could interpret the Constitution and protect fundamental rights. At the same time, they recognised that the Court would have to balance individual liberty with social control in a democratic welfare state. Ayyar did not advocate executive dominance or dictatorial governance. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Note that option A combines two correct ideas. It highlights Ayyar's support for a strong Supreme Court in interpretation and emphasises the Court's role in drawing the line between liberty and social control.Step 2: Option B wrongly adds that he believed in executive dominance over the judiciary, which contradicts the basic thinking of most drafting members.Step 3: Option C is clearly incorrect because it describes dictatorial governance and executive dominance, which are contrary to the democratic spirit of the Constitution.Step 4: Option D is wrong because Ayyar did not oppose a strong Supreme Court; he supported an active judicial role rather than leaving constitutional interpretation only to Parliament. Verification / Alternative check: Reading discussions on the framing of the judicial review provisions, including Articles related to the Supreme Court, confirms that Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar defended the need for an independent court capable of limiting both legislature and executive when they exceeded constitutional boundaries. This supports option A. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B is wrong since it mixes correct support for the Supreme Court with the incorrect claim of executive dominance. Option C is wrong because dictatorial or executive dominated governance was not his stance; the Constitution aimed at democratic rule under law. Option D is wrong because he did not want to weaken the Supreme Court or remove its power to interpret the Constitution. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes assume that any strong support for social control implies favouring executive dominance. However, the framers wanted the Supreme Court to be the neutral arbiter balancing liberty and social needs. Confusing this balanced view with dictatorial governance can easily lead to choosing the wrong option. Final Answer: The correct description is that Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar favoured an important role for the Supreme Court in constitutional interpretation and in drawing the line between liberty and social control.

Basic General Knowledge Questions