Question 1

Under Article 352 of the Constitution of India, a national emergency can be proclaimed if the security of India or any part of its territory is threatened by which of the following? 1. War 2. External aggression 3. Armed rebellion 4. Internal distur…

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Article 352 of the Constitution of India deals with proclamation of national emergency. The grounds on which such an emergency can be declared have evolved over time through constitutional amendments. Originally, the Constitution permitted emergency on grounds of war, external aggression, or internal disturbance. Later, the expression internal disturbance was replaced by armed rebellion to narrow the scope. This question asks candidates to identify the correct grounds for national emergency under the present wording of Article 352. Given Data / Assumptions: The question explicitly refers to Article 352 and national emergency. Four possible situations are listed: war, external aggression, armed rebellion, and internal disturbance. We must select the correct combination under the currently applicable constitutional text. We assume the effect of the Forty Fourth Amendment, which altered the terminology. Concept / Approach: Under the original Constitution, Article 352 allowed a proclamation of emergency if the security of India was threatened by war, external aggression, or internal disturbance. The Forty Fourth Amendment replaced internal disturbance with the more specific term armed rebellion, to prevent misuse of emergency powers in relatively ordinary law and order situations. Under the present provisions, emergency can be declared only when there is war, external aggression, or armed rebellion threatening the security of India or any part of it. Internal disturbance alone is no longer recognised as an independent ground in the constitutional text. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall the current text of Article 352 after the Forty Fourth Amendment of the Constitution. Step 2: Note that it mentions war, external aggression, and armed rebellion as the relevant grounds. Step 3: Recognise that internal disturbance was part of the earlier text and is often mentioned in historical discussion but is not part of the present wording. Step 4: Identify that items 1, 2, and 3 in the list correspond to war, external aggression, and armed rebellion. Step 5: See that item 4, internal disturbance, does not appear in the present amended text. Step 6: Therefore, conclude that the correct combination is 1, 2, and 3 only. Step 7: Choose the option listing 1, 2, and 3 as the answer. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can recall the reasons for the Forty Fourth Amendment, which sought to reduce the possibility of emergency being declared in relatively mild internal situations. The amendment replaced the vague term internal disturbance with the more concrete phrase armed rebellion. Standard polity texts emphasise this change when discussing the emergency provisions. They clearly state that the present grounds for national emergency are war, external aggression, or armed rebellion, confirming that internal disturbance as such is not a present ground. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The option listing 2, 3, and 4 incorrectly treats internal disturbance as a current ground and also leaves out war, which is clearly included in the article. The option listing 1 and 2 only ignores armed rebellion, which is now an explicit ground. The option listing 1, 3, and 4 again brings in internal disturbance and omits external aggression, both of which do not match the constitutional formulation. Each of these incorrect options either omits a valid ground or includes an expression that belongs only to the historical, not the current, text. Common Pitfalls: Many candidates remember internal disturbance from older discussions of emergency powers and do not fully appreciate that the term was replaced by armed rebellion. Confusion also arises from the fact that internal disturbance may still appear in some commentary when describing pre amendment practice. To avoid such confusion, it is important to focus on the current constitutional text and to learn the list of grounds as it now stands, namely war, external aggression, and armed rebellion. Final Answer: Under the present wording of Article 352, a national emergency can be proclaimed if the security of India is threatened by war, external aggression, or armed rebellion, that is, items 1, 2, and 3.

Question 2

Which one of the following statements is not true with reference to the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005 is a key piece of Indian legislation that provides civil remedies to women facing domestic violence in a shared household. It includes provisions for protection orders, residence orders, monetary relief, and other support. For examination purposes, questions often focus on who can seek relief, who can be proceeded against, and whether the law is limited to married women or extends beyond formal marriage. This question asks candidates to identify which statement does not accurately describe the scope of the Act. Given Data / Assumptions: The question provides four statements about the Domestic Violence Act. They cover the civil nature of the remedies, who can complain, who can be respondents, and the breadth of relationships covered. We must pick the statement that is not true in light of the Act and judicial interpretation. Understanding of terms like aggrieved person, domestic relationship, and respondent is required. Concept / Approach: The Act defines an aggrieved person as a woman who is, or has been, in a domestic relationship with the respondent and who alleges that she has been subjected to domestic violence. It primarily provides civil reliefs, such as protection orders and residence rights, though breach of these orders can give rise to criminal consequences. Respondents can include not only husbands and male partners but also relatives living in the shared household, and courts have interpreted the law broadly in light of its protective purpose. Therefore, any statement that restricts relief exclusively to husbands or male live in partners is inconsistent with the Act. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Examine the first statement that the Act provides mainly civil remedies. This is consistent with the structure of the law, which focuses on protection, residence, and maintenance rather than punishment alone. Step 2: Examine the second statement that only women who allege domestic violence can file a complaint. While complaints can be filed by the woman herself or by others on her behalf, the focus of the Act is clearly on women as aggrieved persons, so the spirit of the statement is broadly correct for examination level. Step 3: Examine the third statement that relief may be sought only against the husband or a male live in partner. This is too narrow because the Act allows action against other relatives in the domestic relationship as respondents. Step 4: Examine the fourth statement that the Act covers not only wives but also women in relationships in the nature of marriage and certain female relatives, which aligns with the definition of domestic relationship and shared household. Step 5: Identify that the third statement wrongly restricts the scope of potential respondents. Step 6: Mark this third statement as the one that is not true. Verification / Alternative check: A verification method is to recall the definitions given in the Act. Domestic relationship includes relationships by blood, marriage, or adoption, and relationships in the nature of marriage. The term respondent is not limited to male partners; it can cover other relatives depending on the factual situation, although there has been debate on whether female relatives can be respondents. Courts have tended to interpret the law in a purposive manner to broaden protection. Therefore, it is clear that the Act is not confined to only husbands or male live in partners as respondents. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The statement that the Act provides mainly civil remedies is correct, as the law is designed to offer immediate protection and support rather than focusing solely on criminal sanctions. The statement about women being the aggrieved persons reflects the gender specific focus of the Act. The statement that the Act covers women in marriage like relationships and female relatives recognises that protection is not limited to legally wedded wives. Since these three statements accord with the structure and purpose of the law, they cannot be the incorrect one. Common Pitfalls: A common misunderstanding is to assume that domestic violence law applies only to formal marriages and only against husbands, ignoring the wider concept of domestic relationship and shared household. Another pitfall is to treat the Act as purely criminal legislation, overlooking its emphasis on civil reliefs. Students should be careful to differentiate between who can be an aggrieved person and who can be a respondent, and to recognise that the law was drafted broadly to address various forms of domestic abuse. Final Answer: The statement that is not true is that relief may be sought only against the husband or a male live in partner, because the Act allows proceedings against other respondents within the domestic relationship framework as well.

Question 3

Which one of the following statements about the National Investment and Infrastructure Fund (NIIF) is not correct?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The National Investment and Infrastructure Fund is an important institution in the area of infrastructure financing in India. It is often confused with the earlier National Investment Fund, which had a different purpose related to disinvestment proceeds. Examinations commonly include questions that test whether candidates can distinguish between these entities and recall basic facts about the objectives and structure of the NIIF. This question asks which statement about NIIF is not correct. Given Data / Assumptions: The question lists four statements regarding NIIF. They refer to the budget announcement year, the purpose of financing infrastructure, the relationship between NIIF and NIF, and the possibility of multiple alternative investment funds. We must select the single statement that does not correctly describe NIIF. We rely on standard government statements and summaries found in basic economy texts. Concept / Approach: The NIIF was announced in the Union Budget 2015 to 2016 as a quasi sovereign wealth fund aimed at catalysing long term capital for infrastructure projects. It is designed as a platform with multiple funds under its umbrella, often structured as alternative investment funds to attract institutional investors. The National Investment Fund, by contrast, was a separate mechanism that dealt with the proceeds from disinvestment of public sector enterprises. Thus, it is incorrect to say that NIIF and NIF are merely different names for the same body. The key to this question is to identify this confusion and recognise the separate identities of the two funds. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that NIIF was announced in the Union Budget speech for the financial year 2015 to 2016 as a new vehicle for infrastructure investment. This matches the first statement. Step 2: Confirm that the primary purpose of NIIF is to provide long term capital for infrastructure projects such as roads, ports, and energy, which makes the second statement correct. Step 3: Consider the statement that NIIF and NIF are simply different names for the same organisation. This is misleading because NIF was an earlier fund created for disinvestment proceeds, whereas NIIF is a dedicated infrastructure investment platform. Step 4: Recall that NIIF is structured to host multiple funds, including a master fund, fund of funds, and strategic or sectoral funds, all of which can be alternative investment funds. This aligns with the fourth statement. Step 5: Conclude that the only incorrect statement is the one equating NIIF and NIF. Step 6: Select that statement as the answer. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can think of typical exam questions that separately define NIIF and NIF. NIIF is usually described as a sovereign backed fund for infrastructure, while NIF is described as a pool where proceeds from disinvestment were placed for social and capital expenditure. Government documents and economic surveys also mention them as distinct entities. Also, NIIFs website and official communications refer to multiple funds under its platform, reinforcing the idea that it can host more than one alternative investment fund. These cross checks confirm that only the third statement is incorrect. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The budget year reference is accurate and widely cited. The statement about NIIFs purpose is correct because its mandate focuses on infrastructure financing and crowding in private capital. The statement about multiple alternative investment funds reflects the actual platform structure of NIIF. Since these three statements align with official descriptions, they cannot be considered incorrect for the purpose of this question. Common Pitfalls: A frequent mistake is to read quickly and assume that similar sounding names like NIIF and NIF refer to the same fund, especially under exam pressure. Another pitfall is ignoring context; seeing the word investment in both names may lead to confusion. To avoid such errors, candidates should make a short chart distinguishing major financial institutions and funds, noting their purposes, years of creation, and key features, and should revise it regularly before exams. Final Answer: The incorrect statement is that the NIIF and the National Investment Fund are simply different names for the same organisation, because they are in fact separate entities with different objectives and structures.

Question 4

Which of the following are constitutional provisions and laws that aim to protect the rights of Scheduled Castes in India? 1. Article 17 of the Constitution of India 2. The Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 3. The Scheduled Castes and the Schedule…

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Protection of Scheduled Castes from discrimination and violence is a major constitutional and legislative priority in India. Article 17 abolishes untouchability and forbids its practice in any form. The Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989 are key statutes that provide detailed mechanisms to enforce these constitutional guarantees and to punish offences committed against members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. This question requires candidates to recognise how these provisions and laws work together. Given Data / Assumptions: The question lists one constitutional article and two pieces of legislation. Article 17 deals with the abolition of untouchability. The Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 further implements the ban on untouchability. The SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989 addresses more serious offences and atrocities against these communities. We must select the combination that correctly groups measures aimed at protecting Scheduled Castes. Concept / Approach: Article 17 declares untouchability abolished and makes its practice in any form an offence. The Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 gives effect to Article 17 by defining specific offences related to discriminatory practices and by prescribing penalties. The SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989 goes further by defining and punishing a wider range of atrocities committed against members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, including social and economic boycotts and physical violence. Together, these three form a legal and constitutional framework aimed at protecting the dignity and rights of Scheduled Castes in particular and marginalised groups more broadly. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recognise that Article 17 is a fundamental right which abolishes untouchability and prohibits its practice. Step 2: Recall that the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 was specifically enacted to enforce Article 17 by defining offences and penalties for practising untouchability. Step 3: Recall that the SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989 was enacted to prevent various atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and to provide for special courts and stringent punishments. Step 4: Note that all three listed measures aim at reducing discrimination and violence against Scheduled Castes in different ways. Step 5: Conclude that items 1, 2, and 3 all qualify as measures for protection of Scheduled Castes. Step 6: Select the option that lists 1, 2, and 3 together. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can think of how these measures are described in standard polity and social justice chapters. Article 17 is always mentioned as a key equality and anti discrimination provision. The Protection of Civil Rights Act is often introduced as the law that converts this constitutional promise into enforceable penal provisions. The SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act is highlighted as a special law to deal with serious offences and social practices targeting these communities. Since all three sources explicitly state that these instruments are designed to protect Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, it is clear that the correct answer includes all three. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The option listing 1 and 3 only excludes the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955, ignoring an important implementing statute for Article 17. The option listing 1 and 2 only omits the 1989 Act, which is crucial for dealing with atrocities. The option listing 2 and 3 only leaves out the constitutional foundation provided by Article 17. Each of these options therefore gives an incomplete picture of the protective framework. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to focus only on constitutional provisions and overlook statutory instruments that operationalise those rights. Another pitfall is to think that the Prevention of Atrocities Act is concerned only with criminal law and not with protection of rights, when in reality it is a key rights protecting measure. To avoid these errors, it is helpful to see the Constitution and these Acts as parts of a single system aimed at ending caste based discrimination. Final Answer: All three listed measures, namely Article 17, the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955, and the SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989, together form an important framework for protecting the rights of Scheduled Castes.

Question 5

Which one of the following is not true about the powers and jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Supreme Court of India is the highest judicial body in the country and enjoys a wide range of jurisdictions including original, appellate, advisory, and review jurisdiction. It also has the power to issue writs for enforcement of fundamental rights. However, some of these powers are shared with High Courts, and examinations often test whether students can distinguish exclusive powers from powers that are concurrent. This question asks which statement about the Supreme Court is not correct. Given Data / Assumptions: Four statements about the Supreme Courts powers and jurisdiction are provided. They concern original jurisdiction in Union State disputes, advisory jurisdiction, power of review, and writ jurisdiction for fundamental rights. We must identify the single statement that is not true. We rely on constitutional provisions such as Articles 131, 143, 137, and 32, and on Article 226 for High Courts. Concept / Approach: Article 131 gives the Supreme Court original jurisdiction in certain disputes between the Union and States, which is exclusive to the Supreme Court. Article 143 provides advisory jurisdiction when the President seeks the Courts opinion on questions of law or fact of public importance. Article 137 allows the Court to review its own judgments. Writ jurisdiction for enforcement of fundamental rights is conferred on the Supreme Court under Article 32, but High Courts also have writ jurisdiction under Article 226 and can enforce both fundamental rights and other legal rights. Therefore, it is not correct to say that only the Supreme Court can issue writs for protecting fundamental rights. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Inspect the statement about original and exclusive jurisdiction. Article 131 indeed grants the Supreme Court original jurisdiction in certain disputes, and this jurisdiction is exclusive, so this statement is correct. Step 2: Inspect the statement about advisory jurisdiction. Article 143 allows the President to refer questions of law or fact to the Supreme Court, which gives the Court advisory jurisdiction. This statement is correct. Step 3: Inspect the statement about review. Article 137 expressly permits the Supreme Court to review its judgments or orders. Thus, this statement is correct. Step 4: Inspect the statement that only the Supreme Court has the exclusive power to issue writs for protection of fundamental rights. This is not correct, because High Courts under Article 226 can also issue writs for enforcement of fundamental rights. Step 5: Conclude that the fourth statement misrepresents the relationship between Supreme Court and High Courts in writ jurisdiction. Step 6: Choose that statement as the incorrect option. Verification / Alternative check: You can verify this by comparing Articles 32 and 226. Article 32 is often described as the heart and soul of the Constitution, but Article 226 explicitly grants High Courts power to issue writs for enforcement of fundamental rights and for other purposes. In fact, in many cases people approach High Courts first rather than the Supreme Court. Since writ jurisdiction is shared, it cannot truthfully be described as exclusive to the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, standard polity texts emphasise that the Supreme Courts original jurisdiction in Union State disputes is exclusive, and that its advisory and review powers flow from clear constitutional provisions, supporting the accuracy of the other statements. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The options stating that the Supreme Court has original and exclusive jurisdiction in certain federal disputes, that it has advisory jurisdiction when referred matters by the President, and that it can review its own judgments, are all correct statements about the Courts powers. These are well established and widely discussed features of the Supreme Court. Since the question asks for the statement that is not true, these three cannot be correct answers. Common Pitfalls: A common source of confusion is the strong emphasis placed on Article 32, which may lead some students to think that only the Supreme Court can enforce fundamental rights through writs. Another pitfall is forgetting the broad nature of High Courts writ jurisdiction under Article 226. To avoid such confusion, it is helpful to remember that both the Supreme Court and High Courts can issue writs for fundamental rights, but High Courts have even wider writ jurisdiction for other legal rights as well. Final Answer: The statement that is not true is that the Supreme Court alone has the exclusive power to issue writs for the protection of fundamental rights, because High Courts also have writ jurisdiction for fundamental rights under Article 226.

Question 6

Which one of the following statements with regard to the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes is not correct?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The National Commission for Scheduled Tribes is a constitutional body created to safeguard the interests of Scheduled Tribes in India. It has investigative, advisory, and reporting functions and enjoys powers similar to those of a civil court when inquiring into matters. Examination questions often probe understanding of how the Commission interacts with the Union and State Governments, how its reports are handled, and what powers it enjoys. This question asks which statement about the Commission is not correct. Given Data / Assumptions: Four statements about the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes are provided. They address consultation by Governments, laying of reports before Parliament, powers as a civil court, and power to regulate its own procedure. We must identify the statement that does not accurately represent the constitutional provisions. Articles 338 and 338A and related provisions guide our analysis. Concept / Approach: Under Article 338A, the Commission has the duty to investigate and monitor safeguards for Scheduled Tribes, inquire into complaints, and report to the President. The Union and State Governments are expected to consult the Commission on major policy matters affecting Scheduled Tribes. The Commission has the powers of a civil court in respect of summoning witnesses, requiring document production, and similar tasks. Reports of the Commission are submitted to the President, who then lays them before each House of Parliament, not only the Lok Sabha. The Commission is also empowered to regulate its own procedure. Hence, the statement that reports are laid only before the Lok Sabha is not correct. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Examine the first statement, which says that the Union Government and every State Government must consult the Commission on important policy matters affecting Scheduled Tribes. This reflects the consultative function described in Article 338A and is broadly correct. Step 2: Examine the second statement, which says that all reports of the Commission are laid only before the Lok Sabha. In reality, reports are presented to the President and then laid before both Houses of Parliament. Step 3: Examine the third statement, which notes that the Commission has powers of a civil court while investigating matters. This is consistent with the Constitution. Step 4: Examine the fourth statement, which states that the Commission can regulate its own procedure, which is also supported by the constitutional provisions. Step 5: Conclude that the only incorrect statement is the one referring to reports being laid only before the Lok Sabha. Step 6: Choose this statement as the answer. Verification / Alternative check: Verification can be done by recalling the reporting procedure of similar commissions, such as the National Commission for Scheduled Castes. In both cases, reports are submitted to the President, who then causes them to be laid before each House of Parliament, along with a memorandum explaining the action taken or proposed. Since the Constitution explicitly mentions both Houses in this process, any statement limiting the reports to the Lok Sabha alone must be wrong. Meanwhile, standard polity texts confirm the civil court powers and the ability of the Commission to regulate its own procedure. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The statement about consultation by Governments reflects the duty of the Union and States to seek the Commissions advice on major policy issues concerning Scheduled Tribes. The statement about civil court powers is correct, as the Commission can summon witnesses, require document production, and take evidence on oath. The statement about regulating its own procedure is also accurate, as the Constitution leaves procedural details to the Commission itself. Therefore, these three statements correctly describe aspects of the Commission and cannot be treated as incorrect. Common Pitfalls: A common error is to focus only on the Lok Sabha when thinking about parliamentary procedures and to forget that many constitutional bodies report to both Houses. Another pitfall is confusing the role of the President and Parliament in receiving and considering the Commissions reports. To avoid such mistakes, candidates should remember that most major commissions submit reports to the President, who then lays them before both Houses of Parliament. Final Answer: The statement that is not correct is that all reports of the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes are laid only before the Lok Sabha, because they are in fact laid before both Houses of Parliament.

Question 7

Under the Constitution of India, the right to form associations and unions is a right

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The right to form associations and unions is an important democratic right that enables people to organise themselves for political, social, economic, or cultural purposes. In the Indian Constitution, it is part of a cluster of freedoms listed under Article 19. However, Article 19 rights are guaranteed only to citizens of India and not to all persons. This question tests whether candidates can correctly locate this right within the scheme of fundamental rights and recognise that it is a citizens only freedom. Given Data / Assumptions: The question is specifically about the right to form associations and unions. The options describe it as a right guaranteed to everybody, a freedom guaranteed only to citizens, a right to equality, or a right to life and personal liberty. We assume familiarity with Article 19 and the classification of fundamental rights in Part III. We also assume knowledge that Article 19 is citizen specific. Concept / Approach: Article 19 of the Constitution lists several freedoms, including freedom of speech and expression, peaceful assembly, association and union, movement, residence, and profession. The opening words of Article 19 state that all citizens shall have the right to these freedoms, which makes clear that these rights are reserved for citizens of India. The right to equality before the law arises under Article 14 and applies to all persons. The right to life and personal liberty is under Article 21 and also applies to all persons. Therefore, the right to form associations and unions is best described as a freedom under Article 19 available only to citizens. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Identify that the right to form associations and unions is explicitly mentioned in Article 19 as one of the freedoms. Step 2: Recall the wording of Article 19, which begins with all citizens shall have the right. Step 3: Observe that this language clearly restricts the rights under Article 19 to citizens of India. Step 4: Compare this with Article 14, which uses the term persons, and Article 21, which also extends to all persons, including foreigners. Step 5: Recognise that the right to form associations and unions is a right to freedom, not a right to equality or life. Step 6: Conclude that the correct description is that it is a right to freedom guaranteed only to citizens. Step 7: Choose the option that states it is to freedom guaranteed only to citizens of India. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can recall the classification used in many polity textbooks. They usually group fundamental rights into categories such as right to equality, right to freedom, right against exploitation, right to freedom of religion, cultural and educational rights, and right to constitutional remedies. Under right to freedom, Article 19 is primarily for citizens. Under right to equality and right to life, many provisions apply to all persons. Since the right to form associations is clearly presented under Article 19 in these groupings, that confirms that it is a citizens only freedom. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The option that says the right is guaranteed to everybody is incorrect because Article 19 explicitly restricts its scope to citizens. The option that describes the right as one to equality before law confuses it with Article 14, which is a separate right. The option that says it is a right to life and personal liberty confuses it with Article 21. Neither Article 14 nor Article 21 is the correct home for the right to form associations and unions. Common Pitfalls: Many students know that some rights are available only to citizens but forget exactly which ones. Under exam pressure, they may quickly mark that the right is guaranteed to everybody, especially because forming associations seems like a basic human freedom. Another pitfall is to confuse the headings of different groups of rights. To avoid such mistakes, it helps to make a simple chart that lists which rights are citizen specific and which are universal, and to revise this chart multiple times. Final Answer: Under the Constitution of India, the right to form associations and unions is a right to freedom that is guaranteed only to citizens of India under Article 19.

Question 8

The Inter State Council was set up in 1990 on the recommendation of which of the following commissions on Centre State relations in India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Inter State Council is an important constitutional body meant to facilitate coordination and cooperation between the Union and State Governments in India. It was established under Article 263 of the Constitution, which empowers the President to set up such a council if it appears to be in the public interest. The actual decision to set up the Council in 1990 was influenced by recommendations of a commission on Centre State relations. This question asks which commission made that recommendation. Given Data / Assumptions: The question mentions the Inter State Council and the year 1990. It lists four possible commissions: Punchhi, Sarkaria, Rajamannar, and Mungerilal. We must identify which commission on Centre State relations recommended the establishment of an Inter State Council. We assume familiarity with major commissions that studied Centre State relations in India. Concept / Approach: The Sarkaria Commission was appointed in the 1980s to review the working of existing arrangements between the Centre and the States and to recommend changes. One of its key recommendations was to activate and effectively use the Inter State Council under Article 263 as a forum for cooperative federalism. Acting on this recommendation, the Inter State Council was set up in 1990 by a Presidential order. The Punchhi Commission was a later commission on Centre State relations. The Rajamannar Commission was a State level commission in Tamil Nadu. The Mungerilal Commission is not connected with the establishment of the Inter State Council. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Sarkaria Commission was constituted in 1983 and submitted its report in the late 1980s on Centre State relations. Step 2: Remember that the Commission recommended the activation of the Inter State Council under Article 263 as an institutional mechanism. Step 3: Note that the Government accepted this recommendation and set up the Inter State Council in 1990 by a Presidential order. Step 4: Compare this with the Punchhi Commission, which was a later body set up in the 2000s, and thus could not have influenced the 1990 decision. Step 5: Recognise that the Rajamannar Commission was appointed by the Tamil Nadu Government and focused on State specific demands, not on setting up the Inter State Council for all of India. Step 6: Note that Mungerilal Commission is not associated in textbooks with the 1990 Inter State Council. Step 7: Conclude that the correct answer is the Sarkaria Commission. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can recall that many polity books explicitly state that the Inter State Council was established in 1990 following the recommendations of the Sarkaria Commission. They also often mention that the Punchhi Commission revisited Centre State relations later and made fresh suggestions, including strengthening the Council. This chronological ordering of commissions and reforms confirms that it was Sarkaria, not Punchhi, that directly led to the Councils creation. Why Other Options Are Wrong: The Punchhi Commission came much later, so it could not have led to a 1990 decision. The Rajamannar Commission was a regional commission set up by a State Government and did not directly cause the nationwide establishment of the Inter State Council. The Mungerilal Commission is not known in polity texts as the source of the recommendation for this body. Each of these options is either temporally or contextually mismatched with the event described in the question. Common Pitfalls: Candidates sometimes confuse the roles of different commissions because they all deal with Centre State issues. Another pitfall is to be swayed by recent commissions, like the Punchhi Commission, which may be fresher in memory. To avoid such mistakes, it is helpful to maintain a simple timeline of major commissions and to link each commission to one or two key outcomes, such as Sarkaria with Inter State Council and Punchhi with later suggestions on federal reforms. Final Answer: The Inter State Council was set up in 1990 on the recommendation of the Sarkaria Commission.

Question 9

Under the Constitution of India, when a national Proclamation of Emergency is in force, the right to move a court for the enforcement of Fundamental Rights can be suspended for most rights. Which specific Fundamental Rights continue to remain enforc…

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: In the Indian Constitution, Fundamental Rights are a core part of the democratic framework, but they are not absolute. During a national emergency, the State is allowed to restrict or suspend enforcement of many Fundamental Rights to meet extraordinary situations. However, the Constitution carefully protects some rights even in such times so that the basic protection of individual liberty and protection against retrospective punishment or double jeopardy remain intact. This question tests your understanding of which rights are non-suspendable even when an Emergency is declared under the Constitution of India. Given Data / Assumptions: - A Proclamation of Emergency has been declared at the national level under the Constitution of India.- The right to move a court for enforcement of certain Fundamental Rights can be restricted or suspended.- We need to identify which specific rights remain enforceable and cannot be suspended even during such an Emergency. Concept / Approach: The key constitutional provisions are Article 352, which deals with the Proclamation of Emergency, Article 358, which concerns suspension of the freedoms guaranteed by Article 19, and Article 359, which allows suspension of the right to move any court for enforcement of certain Fundamental Rights. After the Forty Fourth Amendment, the Constitution expressly protects the enforcement of rights given by Article 20 and Article 21, even during an Emergency. Therefore, any order under Article 359 cannot suspend the right to move a court for these two Articles. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that Article 20 deals with protection in respect of conviction for offences, covering protections such as no ex post facto criminal law, no double punishment for the same offence and protection against self incrimination.Step 2: Recall that Article 21 guarantees that no person shall be deprived of life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.Step 3: Understand that Article 359 permits the President to suspend the right to move courts for enforcement of certain Fundamental Rights during an Emergency.Step 4: Note that the Forty Fourth Constitutional Amendment made a clear exception that the enforcement of rights under Articles 20 and 21 shall not be suspended even when an Emergency is in force.Step 5: Therefore, even when other rights become unenforceable in courts for the duration of the order, a person can still approach the judiciary for violation of Articles 20 and 21. Verification / Alternative check: A quick conceptual check is to remember that Articles 20 and 21 protect the very core of individual security against arbitrary State action. Because of past misuse of emergency powers, constitutional reforms ensured that these two Articles remain enforceable in all circumstances. Any option that does not include both Article 20 and Article 21 together will therefore be incorrect. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B (Articles 21 and 22 only) is wrong because Article 22, dealing with protection against arbitrary arrest and detention, can be modified in its operation during an Emergency, while Article 20 must also remain enforceable.Option C (Articles 19 and 20 only) is wrong because Article 19 freedoms are specifically subject to suspension during an Emergency under Article 358.Option D (Articles 14 and 19 only) is wrong because Article 19 can be suspended and Article 14, though very important, does not enjoy the same explicit non-suspendable protection as Articles 20 and 21. Common Pitfalls: Students often assume that all Fundamental Rights become unenforceable during an Emergency, which is not correct. Another common mistake is to confuse the general importance of Articles 14 and 19 with the specific legal protection given to Articles 20 and 21 in the context of emergency provisions. It is also easy to forget that the current position is the result of a later constitutional amendment, so older descriptions of emergency powers may no longer be accurate. Always link this topic with the Forty Fourth Amendment and the special status of the right to life, personal liberty and protection in criminal matters. Final Answer: Correct answer: Articles 20 and 21 only

Question 10

Under the Constitution of India, which Article specifically provides that no citizen shall, on grounds such as religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, be denied access to wells, tanks, bathing ghats and similar places of public resort that are…

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Indian Constitution aims to remove social discrimination in access to public spaces and facilities. Historically, people from certain castes and communities were denied entry to wells, tanks, temples and other public places. To end such practices, the Constitution provides explicit guarantees that the State shall not deny access to public places maintained out of public funds on prohibited grounds such as religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. This question asks you to identify the precise Article that contains this important safeguard. Given Data / Assumptions: - The focus is on access to wells, tanks, bathing ghats and similar places of public resort.- These facilities are maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or are dedicated to the use of the general public.- The prohibition is on denial of access on grounds like religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. Concept / Approach: Articles 14 to 18 in Part III deal with the right to equality. Article 14 provides general equality before law. Article 15 specifically prohibits discrimination by the State on certain grounds and in clause 2 extends this prohibition to access to public places such as shops, restaurants, hotels, wells, tanks, bathing ghats and roads maintained wholly or partly out of State funds. Article 16 deals with equality of opportunity in public employment and Article 17 abolishes untouchability. Therefore, only Article 15 directly mentions denial of access to public places maintained from State funds. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that Article 14 speaks about equality before law and equal protection of the laws but does not enumerate specific public places.Step 2: Recall that Article 15 clause 1 prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, and clause 2 prohibits any restriction on access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment or the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained by the State.Step 3: Article 16 deals with equality of opportunity in matters of public employment and is not about access to wells or tanks.Step 4: Article 17 abolishes untouchability and forbids its practice, but it does not specifically mention wells, tanks and bathing ghats in its wording, even though it is related in spirit.Step 5: Therefore, the direct and explicit reference to denial of access to such public places is found in Article 15. Verification / Alternative check: A quick way to verify is to remember that Article 15 is the Article that both prohibits discrimination and lists certain public facilities in its text. Whenever a question mentions wells, tanks, roads or bathing ghats, you should immediately connect it with Article 15 clause 2. Articles 14, 16 and 17 are related to equality, but none of them contain the specific wording about use of public wells and tanks maintained from State funds. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A (Article 14) is wrong because it provides a broad guarantee of equality before law but does not deal specifically with access to wells and tanks.Option C (Article 16) is wrong because it focuses on equality of opportunity in public employment and recruitment to State posts.Option D (Article 17) is wrong because it abolishes untouchability and makes its practice an offence, but it does not contain the exact clause on access to wells, tanks and bathing ghats maintained out of State funds. Common Pitfalls: Many learners assume that any question mentioning discrimination must be answered with Article 14, because it is the first equality Article they remember. Others automatically choose Article 17 when they see reference to wells and tanks, linking it to the social evil of untouchability. While the spirit of Article 17 is closely connected, the examination requires the specific textual match, which is found in Article 15 clause 2. Always read the stem carefully and match the language with the precise constitutional Article. Final Answer: Correct answer: Article 15

Question 11

The Indian Independence Act of 1947 made several important constitutional changes for British India and the newly created Dominions. Which one of the following was not a change brought about by this Act?

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Introduction / Context: The Indian Independence Act of 1947 was a landmark law passed by the British Parliament to give independence to India and to create the Dominions of India and Pakistan. It ended British rule in India and radically altered the constitutional relationship between India and the British Crown. To answer this question correctly, you need to know which features were actually introduced by the Act and which statement does not correctly describe the constitutional position after 1947. Given Data / Assumptions: - The Act came into force on 15 August 1947.- It created two independent Dominions, India and Pakistan.- The Government of India Act 1935 was used as the basic constitutional framework until new Constitutions were framed.- The question asks for the statement that is not a change brought about by the Indian Independence Act of 1947. Concept / Approach: The key is to distinguish between political reality before and after independence. Before 1947, India was a British dependency and ultimate authority rested in the British Parliament and the Crown. After the Act, supreme legislative power was transferred to the Constituent Assemblies of the Dominions. While the King remained a symbolic head of each Dominion, he was no longer the source of authority for making laws for India. The Governor General became the constitutional head within each Dominion, acting largely on the advice of Dominion ministers. Therefore, any statement suggesting that the Crown still remained the real source of authority after independence is not correct. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recognise that the Act declared India and Pakistan to be independent Dominions, so they ceased to be British dependencies. This supports option B as a correct change.Step 2: Understand that the Government of India Act 1935, as adapted, continued to be used as an interim constitutional framework for both Dominions until they framed their own Constitutions. This makes option A a correct statement.Step 3: Note that the Governor General in each Dominion functioned as a constitutional head, representing the Crown but normally acting on the advice of Dominion ministers. This supports option D as a correct description.Step 4: The crucial point is that the power of the British Parliament to legislate for India ended. The Constituent Assemblies of the Dominions gained sovereign powers. Therefore, it is incorrect to say that the British Crown remained the real source of constitutional authority until a new Constitution was framed. That claim in option C does not match the constitutional position after 1947. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative way to check is to recall that one of the main objectives of the Act was to transfer full law making power to Indian hands. The Dominions could amend or repeal any previous British law that applied to them. If the Crown had remained the true source of authority, the Indian legislature would not have gained such power. This contradiction confirms that any statement claiming continued real authority of the Crown is not a correct description of the changes brought by the Act. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A is correct because the 1935 Act, suitably adapted, functioned as the interim constitutional document for the Dominions until their own Constitutions came into effect.Option B is correct because the Act clearly declared that India would cease to be a dependency and would become an independent Dominion within the British Commonwealth.Option D is correct because the Governor General became the constitutional head of the Dominion, acting on the advice of responsible ministers in the Dominion, rather than being a direct agent of the British Cabinet. Common Pitfalls: Learners sometimes confuse the symbolic role of the Crown as head of the Commonwealth with actual constitutional authority. It is easy to think that because the King remained the nominal head of the Dominion, the Crown continued to control Indian affairs as before. Another common mistake is to overlook the difference between an interim use of an existing Act and the source of constitutional authority. The continued use of the Government of India Act 1935 as an interim framework does not mean that the British Parliament still held power. The transfer of sovereignty is the key idea to remember when tackling such questions. Final Answer: Correct answer: The British Crown continued to be the real source of all constitutional authority until a new Constitution was framed

Question 12

Regarding the Legislative Council in a State under the Constitution of India, which one of the following statements is not correct?

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Introduction / Context: Some States in India have a bicameral legislature, which includes a Legislative Assembly and a Legislative Council. The composition and method of election to the Legislative Council are laid down in Article 171 of the Constitution of India. This question checks your knowledge of how the members of a Legislative Council are chosen and what proportion of them represent different electoral categories, such as local bodies and graduates. Given Data / Assumptions: - The question concerns the structure and composition of a State Legislative Council.- We need to identify which statement does not correctly reflect the constitutional provisions.- The statements mention the overall size of the Council and the proportions elected by local bodies and graduates. Concept / Approach: Article 171 of the Constitution specifies that the total number of members in the Legislative Council of a State shall not be less than 40 and shall not exceed one third of the total number of members in the Legislative Assembly of that State. It also details how different fractions of Council members are chosen. Roughly one third are elected by local authorities, one twelfth by graduates, one twelfth by teachers, one third by the members of the Legislative Assembly, and the remainder are nominated by the Governor. The incorrect option will be the one that misstates these proportions. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Confirm that certain States such as Bihar and Telangana do indeed have Legislative Councils. This supports option A as correct.Step 2: Recall that the Constitution limits the size of the Legislative Council to not more than one third of the Assembly strength. This matches option B and makes it a correct statement.Step 3: According to Article 171, about one third of the Council members are elected by local authorities like municipalities, district boards and other such local bodies. The question option C incorrectly says “one twelfth of all members” in the original text, but here we restate it correctly for analysis. In the given group of options, the statement that local bodies elect only one twelfth would clearly be wrong.Step 4: One twelfth of the members are indeed elected by electorates composed of graduates residing in the State. This makes option D correct.Step 5: Since only the proportion given for local body representation is misstated, that statement is the incorrect one. Verification / Alternative check: You can verify this by remembering a simple pattern: one third local bodies, one third elected by the Assembly, one twelfth graduates, one twelfth teachers and the rest nominated. If any option mentions a different fraction for local authorities, such as one twelfth, you can confidently identify it as incorrect. This pattern is frequently tested and worth memorising for examinations on Indian polity. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A is correct because Bihar and Telangana are among the States that presently have Legislative Councils.Option B is correct as it faithfully reflects the constitutional ceiling on the size of a Legislative Council, which is one third of the Assembly strength.Option D is correct because Article 171 provides that one twelfth of the Council members are elected by electorates consisting of persons who have been graduates for at least three years, residing in the State. Common Pitfalls: Candidates often confuse the exact fractions for different categories in the Legislative Council. It is common to mix up the one third reserved for local authorities with the one twelfth for graduates and teachers. Another mistake is to assume that all members are directly elected by the people in the same way as Members of the Legislative Assembly, which is not true. The Council is a representative body designed to give voice to special interests such as local bodies, graduates and teachers, as well as to allow for nominated experts. Final Answer: Correct answer: One third of all members shall be elected by electorates consisting of members of local bodies such as municipalities and district boards

Question 13

With reference to the Panchayats as provided in Part IX of the Constitution of India, which one of the following statements is not correct?

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Introduction / Context: Part IX of the Constitution of India gives constitutional status to Panchayats as institutions of local self government in rural areas. It lays down rules about their composition, term, reservation of seats and offices, powers and responsibilities. Understanding these provisions is essential for examinations on Indian polity and local governance. This question asks which statement about Panchayats is not correct according to the constitutional scheme. Given Data / Assumptions: - Part IX covers Articles 243 to 243O.- It deals with the composition, tenure, reservation and financial aspects of Panchayats.- We need to identify the one statement that does not match the constitutional provisions. Concept / Approach: Article 243C deals with the composition of Panchayats and the method of election of members and Chairpersons. Article 243D covers reservation of seats and offices for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women. Article 243E fixes the duration of Panchayats at five years unless dissolved earlier. Article 243J allows the State Legislature to make provisions by law relating to maintenance and audit of accounts of the Panchayats. The incorrect option will either insert an extra condition that does not exist in the Constitution or misstate the powers of the State Legislature. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Examine option C. Article 243E clearly provides that a Panchayat continues for five years from the date appointed for its first meeting unless sooner dissolved by law. Therefore option C is correct.Step 2: Examine option D. Article 243J authorises the State Legislature to make provisions relating to the maintenance and audit of accounts of Panchayats. Hence, this statement is also correct.Step 3: Examine option B. Article 243D states that reservation of seats and offices of Chairpersons for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women is to be provided by State law, within certain broad constitutional guidelines. It is therefore correct to say that the State Legislature has power to provide such reservation by law.Step 4: Examine option A carefully. The Constitution allows the method of election of Chairpersons to be specified by the State Legislature. In some States, Chairpersons are directly elected by the people, while in others they may be elected indirectly by the elected members. There is no constitutional requirement that the Chairperson must be directly elected in order to vote in Panchayat meetings. This makes option A an incorrect statement. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative way to verify is to recall that the Constitution leaves flexibility to States regarding how the Chairperson is chosen. If the Constitution had mandated direct election for all Chairpersons, there would be no variation among States. Since there is such variation in practice, any statement that imposes a universal requirement of direct election is not consistent with the constitutional design. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B is correct, not wrong, because the Constitution explicitly empowers State Legislatures to provide by law for reservation of seats and offices, including those of Chairpersons, for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women.Option C is correct since Article 243E fixes a five year term for every Panchayat unless it is dissolved earlier according to law.Option D is correct because it reflects the power of State Legislatures under Article 243J to make law on maintenance and audit of Panchayat accounts. Common Pitfalls: A typical mistake is to assume that every local level office holder must always be directly elected by the people. Indian constitutional practice allows both direct and indirect methods, especially for positions like Chairpersons or Mayors. Another pitfall is to ignore the division of responsibilities between the Constitution and State laws. The Constitution lays down broad principles but often leaves details, such as the exact method of election of Chairpersons, to State legislation. Final Answer: Correct answer: The Chairperson of a Panchayat must be directly elected by the people in order to exercise the right to vote in the meetings of the Panchayat

Question 14

With reference to Administrative Tribunals established under the Constitution of India, which one of the following statements is not correct?

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Introduction / Context: Administrative Tribunals in India were introduced to provide specialised and speedy justice in service matters. The Constitution permits their creation and allows them to handle disputes concerning recruitment and service conditions of government employees. However, there are constitutional limits on how far their jurisdiction can go and how much they can restrict the normal powers of the regular courts. This question asks you to identify which statement about these Tribunals is not correct. Given Data / Assumptions: - Administrative Tribunals can be created by a law of Parliament under Article 323A of the Constitution.- They deal mainly with service matters of public employees.- The question focuses on jurisdiction and relationship with regular courts. Concept / Approach: Article 323A allows Parliament to establish Administrative Tribunals for the Union and for States. The law can specify their jurisdiction, the procedure they follow and the extent to which the jurisdiction of courts, except that of the Supreme Court under Article 136, is excluded. Later, in the L Chandra Kumar judgment, the Supreme Court clarified that the power of judicial review under Articles 32 and 226 cannot be completely taken away. Therefore, while Tribunal decisions are important, they remain subject to oversight by the higher judiciary. Any statement that claims that Parliament can fully block the jurisdiction of all courts, including the Supreme Court, is therefore not constitutionally correct. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Option A states that Parliament may by law create Administrative Tribunals for the Union and for one or more States. This follows directly from Article 323A and is correct.Step 2: Option B says that these Tribunals can look into disputes and complaints regarding recruitment and service conditions of persons appointed to public services and posts. This is precisely their core function and is again correct.Step 3: Option D indicates that the law establishing Tribunals may lay down their procedure and even modify rules of evidence to suit their specialised nature. This matches the flexibility granted by Article 323A.Step 4: Option C claims that Tribunals created by Parliament can exclude the jurisdiction of all courts, including the Supreme Court, so that even special leave appeals under Article 136 are blocked. This is not correct because the Constitution protects the power of judicial review of the Supreme Court and High Courts.Step 5: Therefore, the incorrect statement is the one that suggests complete exclusion of all court jurisdiction, including that of the Supreme Court. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, recall that Article 323A originally allowed exclusion of the jurisdiction of all courts except the Supreme Court under Article 136. Even this exclusion was later limited by the Supreme Court in L Chandra Kumar, which held that Tribunal decisions are subject to scrutiny by High Courts and the Supreme Court. Hence, any statement indicating that even the Supreme Court jurisdiction can be totally barred is contrary to the basic structure doctrine and is not constitutionally valid. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A is correct because Parliament has been given express power to establish such Tribunals for the Union and for the States by law.Option B is correct since Administrative Tribunals are specifically meant to handle disputes about recruitment and service conditions of public servants, which helps reduce the burden on ordinary courts.Option D is correct because the establishing statute can legitimately provide simplified procedures and relaxed rules of evidence suitable for an administrative forum, as long as basic fairness is maintained. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes assume that special tribunals completely replace the role of courts and that there is no further appeal. In Indian constitutional practice, however, higher judicial review remains a key feature. Another common error is not distinguishing between exclusion of jurisdiction of lower courts and the constitutionally protected powers of the Supreme Court and High Courts. Remember that the basic structure doctrine prevents Parliament from eliminating judicial review altogether, even in specialised areas handled by Tribunals. Final Answer: Correct answer: A law of Parliament establishing such Tribunals can completely exclude the jurisdiction of all courts, including the Supreme Court, in order to prevent special leave to appeal

Question 15

In the Constitution of India, the method of indirect election of the President through an electoral college using the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote has been largely adopted from the constitutional pra…

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Introduction / Context: The makers of the Indian Constitution studied several foreign constitutions and selectively borrowed features that were suitable for Indian conditions. One such important feature is the method of electing the President of India. The President is not directly elected by the people but is chosen by an electoral college using the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote. This question tests your knowledge of which country provided the main inspiration for this method. Given Data / Assumptions: - The election is indirect, through an electoral college consisting of elected members of Parliament and elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies.- The system used is proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.- We must identify the foreign model from which this method was primarily borrowed. Concept / Approach: The British model, represented by a largely ceremonial monarch, does not involve an elected head of state. The United States model uses a direct electoral college but not the single transferable vote or proportional representation in the same manner. Australia has a parliamentary system but a different arrangement for its head of state. The Irish Constitution, however, provided an example of a parliamentary republic where the President was indirectly elected using proportional representation and the single transferable vote, which strongly influenced the Indian framers. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Eliminate Britain. In the United Kingdom, the head of state is a hereditary monarch, not elected through proportional representation, so the Indian model could not have been taken from there.Step 2: Consider the United States. The United States has a powerful President elected indirectly through an electoral college, but the method used is not the single transferable vote system, and the overall structure is a presidential system, not a parliamentary one.Step 3: Consider Australia. It is a parliamentary system but within a constitutional monarchy, and the head of state is nominally the British monarch represented by a Governor General, not elected by a proportional representation system.Step 4: Recall that Ireland is a parliamentary republic with a largely ceremonial President elected either directly or indirectly using proportional representation by the single transferable vote. The Indian framers specifically cited the Irish model when adopting the method of electing the President.Step 5: Therefore, Ireland is the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: A quick memory aid is that many features related to parliamentary form and directive principles were influenced by Ireland. When a polity question mentions proportional representation by the single transferable vote in the context of the President of India, you should immediately associate it with the Irish Constitution, rather than with Britain or the United States. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A (Britain) is wrong because the British monarch is hereditary and not elected through an electoral college.Option B (United States of America) is wrong because the United States uses a different electoral college system without single transferable vote and operates a presidential system, not a parliamentary republic.Option D (Australia) is wrong because Australia is a constitutional monarchy within the Commonwealth and its head of state is not elected by the method described. Common Pitfalls: Students often confuse the origin of the office of the President with the origin of the method of election. While the general concept of a nominal or ceremonial President in a parliamentary system has multiple influences, the specific technical method of proportional representation by single transferable vote for the Presidential election is closely linked to the Irish experience. It is helpful to remember that Directive Principles of State Policy were also inspired by the Irish Constitution, which strengthens this association in your memory. Final Answer: Correct answer: Ireland

Question 16

According to the recommendations of the Seventh Central Pay Commission, which rate of annual increment has been retained for Central Government employees?

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Introduction / Context: Central Pay Commissions periodically review the salary structure and service conditions of Central Government employees in India. The Seventh Central Pay Commission made several recommendations regarding pay scales, allowances and increments. One important aspect is the annual increment rate that determines how basic pay grows over time. This question checks whether you recall the specific rate of annual increment retained by the Seventh Pay Commission. Given Data / Assumptions: - The question is about the Seventh Central Pay Commission, not earlier commissions.- The focus is on the rate of annual increment expressed as a percentage of basic pay.- We need to identify which percentage was retained. Concept / Approach: Earlier Central Pay Commissions had recommended an annual increment of 3 percent of basic pay. The Seventh Pay Commission examined whether this rate should be changed in the light of new pay matrices and rationalisation of pay bands. It finally recommended that the existing annual increment rate of 3 percent be retained, considering it appropriate for balancing employee interests and fiscal responsibility. Therefore, the correct answer is the option that states 3 percent per year. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Eliminate obviously unlikely values. A rate of 2 percent is lower than the previous standard and would have been heavily debated as a reduction, which was not the case.Step 2: Note that 2.57 percent is a factor used for fixing the fitment benefit when shifting to the new pay matrix, not the annual increment rate.Step 3: Recall that the long standing norm has been 3 percent annual increment. The Seventh Pay Commission carefully examined the issue and decided to continue the same rate.Step 4: A rate of 3.5 percent per year would have been a noticeable increase and would have attracted public attention and debate, which did not happen.Step 5: Therefore, 3 percent per year is the correct rate retained by the Seventh Pay Commission. Verification / Alternative check: As a memory aid, remember that the figure 2.57 is often associated with the pay matrix fitment factor, while 3 percent is always mentioned in the context of annual increment. When you see both numbers presented as options, identifying which one relates to which concept can help you select the right answer quickly. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A (2 percent per year) is wrong because the Commission did not reduce the increment rate to 2 percent; such a reduction would have been widely reported and controversial.Option B (2.57 percent per year) is wrong because 2.57 is the multiplication factor to arrive at revised pay, not the annual increment rate.Option D (3.5 percent per year) is wrong because no such enhanced increment was recommended; it would have significantly increased the salary bill. Common Pitfalls: Examinees often confuse the fitment factor 2.57 with the rate of annual increment. Another common error is to assume that every new Pay Commission necessarily increases the increment rate. In reality, commissions sometimes retain existing rates but change the structure of pay scales or allowances instead. Keeping these distinctions clear will help you avoid simple mistakes in economy and polity questions that combine numerical values with policy decisions. Final Answer: Correct answer: 3 percent per year

Question 17

In India's foreign policy after independence, Afro Asian solidarity and the idea of close cooperation among Asian and African nations were forcefully promoted under the leadership of which Prime Minister of India?

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Introduction / Context: After gaining independence, India adopted an active foreign policy that emphasised anti colonial solidarity, peaceful coexistence and cooperation among newly independent nations. A central pillar of this approach was Afro Asian solidarity, which brought together countries from Asia and Africa that had suffered colonial rule. Understanding which Indian leader championed this idea helps you connect foreign policy themes with key personalities in Indian politics. Given Data / Assumptions: - The question is about Afro Asian solidarity as a central element of India's foreign policy.- It refers to the early decades after India's independence.- We need to identify the Prime Minister who initiated and promoted this line most actively. Concept / Approach: Afro Asian solidarity was prominently expressed through events like the Bandung Conference of 1955, where Asian and African countries met to discuss issues of common concern, including colonialism, racism and development. India played a leading role in these initiatives as part of its non aligned and anti colonial foreign policy. The Prime Minister who defined India's foreign policy in the early decades and actively pursued Afro Asian solidarity was Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Eliminate options that relate to much later periods. Narendra Modi and Manmohan Singh are leaders of recent decades, long after Afro Asian solidarity had already become an established theme.Step 2: Consider Inder Kumar Gujral. Although he is known for the Gujral Doctrine focusing on friendly relations with neighbours, his tenure came much later in the 1990s and did not involve initiating Afro Asian solidarity as a central idea.Step 3: Recall that Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, was in office from 1947 to 1964 and shaped much of the early foreign policy, including leadership in the Non Aligned Movement and Afro Asian initiatives.Step 4: Historical events like the Bandung Conference and early Afro Asian conferences consistently show Nehru as a leading figure.Step 5: Therefore, Jawaharlal Nehru is the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: When you see references to Bandung, Non Alignment, Panchsheel and Afro Asian solidarity, a quick mental association with Jawaharlal Nehru will often guide you to the right answer. These are hallmark features of India's foreign policy in the 1950s and early 1960s, a period entirely under Nehru's leadership. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A (Narendra Modi) is wrong because his foreign policy focus has been on contemporary globalisation, economic diplomacy and strategic partnerships, not on initiating Afro Asian solidarity.Option B (Inder Kumar Gujral) is wrong because he is primarily associated with the Gujral Doctrine concerning South Asian neighbours in the 1990s.Option D (Manmohan Singh) is wrong because he is known for liberalisation era economic diplomacy and engagement with major powers, not for launching Afro Asian solidarity in the early post independence decades. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to confuse different foreign policy doctrines or to assume that any Prime Minister who had a named doctrine must be the answer. Another error is to overlook the chronological context. Questions that refer to post colonial solidarity and early Cold War non alignment almost always point to Jawaharlal Nehru's leadership. Keeping the timeline of Indian Prime Ministers and their signature policies in mind greatly reduces such confusion. Final Answer: Correct answer: Jawaharlal Nehru

Question 18

The Prime Minister's National Relief Fund, which is used to provide immediate relief to people in distress due to natural disasters and certain medical emergencies, is operated and administered by which of the following?

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Introduction / Context: The Prime Minister's National Relief Fund is an important fund set up to provide immediate financial assistance to people affected by natural disasters, major accidents and certain serious medical conditions. It is supported by voluntary donations and is frequently mentioned in news reports after calamities. This question tests your awareness of which institution actually operates and administers this fund within the Government of India structure. Given Data / Assumptions: - The fund is known as the Prime Minister's National Relief Fund.- It provides assistance primarily in disaster and emergency situations.- We need to identify the body responsible for its operation and administration. Concept / Approach: Although the fund is related to relief and rehabilitation, it is not directly run by the National Disaster Management Authority or by any particular ministry. Instead, it is operated and administered under the guidance of the Prime Minister through the Prime Minister's Office. The Prime Minister heads the administration of the fund and decisions on disbursement are taken within this framework, often with the help of an advisory committee. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Consider option B, the National Disaster Management Authority. While it plays a major role in disaster management framework and planning, it does not directly administer the Prime Minister's National Relief Fund.Step 2: Consider option C, the Ministry of Finance. This ministry handles the Government's budget and financial policies but does not operate the fund in question.Step 3: Consider option D, the National Development Council, which has been largely inactive and historically dealt with planning issues, not day to day relief operations.Step 4: The remaining option is the Prime Minister's Office, which is directly linked to the Prime Minister and is the actual body that operates and administers the fund.Step 5: Therefore, the correct answer is that the Prime Minister's Office operates the Prime Minister's National Relief Fund. Verification / Alternative check: A simple way to remember this is to focus on the name of the fund itself. Since it is the Prime Minister's National Relief Fund, it is natural that it is handled by the Prime Minister's Office rather than by another authority with a different mandate. Public donations are also usually sent directly to the fund managed by the Prime Minister's Office, which further confirms this administrative arrangement. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B (National Disaster Management Authority) is wrong because its role is in planning, coordination and monitoring of disaster management policy, not in operating this particular relief fund.Option C (Ministry of Finance) is wrong because, although finance is involved in many schemes, the administration of this specific fund is not under that ministry.Option D (National Development Council) is wrong as it historically dealt with planning issues and has no direct role in administering relief funds. Common Pitfalls: Students often assume that anything related to disasters must automatically fall under the National Disaster Management Authority. Another misconception is that all funds involving money are operated by the Ministry of Finance. Remember that some funds are directly linked to the offices of top constitutional functionaries, and their names often indicate this relationship. Recognising such patterns helps in quickly eliminating distractor options in examinations. Final Answer: Correct answer: The Prime Minister's Office

Question 19

Before the constitutional changes relating to the former State of Jammu and Kashmir, which one of the following statements about the special provisions of the Constitution of India with regard to that State was not correct?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Historically, the former State of Jammu and Kashmir enjoyed a special constitutional position under Article 370 and related provisions. Several parts of the Constitution of India applied to that State with modifications, exceptions or were not applied at all, and the State also had its own separate Constitution. This question refers to the situation before the more recent constitutional changes and asks which statement about those earlier provisions was not correct. Understanding this requires careful attention to which Articles did or did not apply and how they were treated for Jammu and Kashmir. Given Data / Assumptions: - The question is about the historical special status of Jammu and Kashmir under the Constitution of India.- It mentions Directive Principles of State Policy, Article 35A, Article 19(1)(f) and Article 368.- We need to identify the statement that was not correct regarding those earlier constitutional arrangements. Concept / Approach: Part IV of the Constitution, containing the Directive Principles of State Policy, and Part IVA on Fundamental Duties, did not automatically apply to Jammu and Kashmir. Many provisions of the Constitution applied there only through Presidential Orders issued under Article 370. Article 35A, introduced by a Presidential Order, empowered the Jammu and Kashmir legislature to define permanent residents and confer on them special rights in matters like employment and property. Article 19(1)(f), which guaranteed the right to acquire, hold and dispose of property, was omitted from the Constitution of India by the Forty Fourth Amendment for most of India, but historically it continued to be applicable to Jammu and Kashmir. Article 368, which deals with amendment of the Constitution of India, was not the procedure used to amend the separate Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir. Therefore, the incorrect statement is the one that claims that Article 19(1)(f) had been omitted in its application to Jammu and Kashmir. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Consider option A. Many standard polity references point out that Directive Principles of State Policy did not apply to Jammu and Kashmir in exactly the same way as to other States, because the State had its own constitutional framework. This statement is broadly consistent with the historical position.Step 2: Consider option B. Article 35A did, in fact, grant special rights and privileges to permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir in matters of public employment, acquisition of property, settlement and similar issues. This statement is correct.Step 3: Consider option C. Article 19(1)(f) was omitted from the Constitution of India by the Forty Fourth Amendment, but this omission did not operate in the same way in relation to Jammu and Kashmir. In standard exam explanations, it is highlighted that Article 19(1)(f) and Article 31 continued to have effect in the context of Jammu and Kashmir for a longer period. Therefore, saying that Article 19(1)(f) had been omitted and was not available in relation to that State is not a correct description.Step 4: Consider option D. Article 368 lays down the procedure for amendment of the Constitution of India, whereas the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir could be amended only under its own provisions. It is therefore accurate to say that Article 368 was not the mechanism to amend the State Constitution.Step 5: The only statement that does not correctly reflect the earlier constitutional position is option C, making it the answer. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative way to check is to recall exam explanations that specifically mention that Directive Principles and Fundamental Duties had a different or limited application to Jammu and Kashmir, that Article 35A was a special provision for permanent residents, and that amending the State Constitution did not follow Article 368. These three ideas confirm that options A, B and D reflect the historical position. By contrast, you may recall that Article 19(1)(f) continued to be treated differently for Jammu and Kashmir, so any statement asserting its omission for that State stands out as inaccurate. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A is essentially correct in the sense used in standard polity questions, which emphasise that the Directive Principles of State Policy did not apply to Jammu and Kashmir in the same way as to other States.Option B is correct because Article 35A indeed gave the Jammu and Kashmir legislature power to define permanent residents and grant them special rights concerning employment, property and settlement.Option D is correct because the procedure to amend the separate Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir was not governed by Article 368; instead, it followed its own constitutional mechanism. Common Pitfalls: Questions on Jammu and Kashmir's former special status are tricky because they combine several exceptions and historical nuances. Students often memorise that Article 19(1)(f) has been omitted from the Constitution generally and assume that this statement is harmlessly true in every context. However, examination questions sometimes test the more detailed position for Jammu and Kashmir. Another pitfall is to confuse the amendment procedure for the Constitution of India with that for State Constitutions. Careful reading of each option and recall of the special nature of Article 35A and Article 370 help avoid such errors. Final Answer: Correct answer: Article 19(1)(f) had been omitted and was not available in relation to the State of Jammu and Kashmir

Question 20

Before the launch of the Pradhan Mantri Sahaj Bijli Har Ghar Yojana (Saubhagya) for universal household electrification, eight States had already achieved more than 99 percent household electrification. Which one of the following was not among those…

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Pradhan Mantri Sahaj Bijli Har Ghar Yojana, popularly known as Saubhagya, is a flagship Government scheme aimed at achieving universal household electrification in India. Prior to its launch, some States had already achieved near universal household electrification, with more than 99 percent of households having connectivity. This question asks you to identify which State was not part of that group of eight high performing States. Given Data / Assumptions: - Saubhagya focuses on providing electricity connections to all willing households in rural and urban areas.- Eight States had more than 99 percent household electrification before Saubhagya was announced.- Among the options, Kerala, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh are listed; one was not in that high electrification group at that stage. Concept / Approach: Historically, smaller and relatively more developed States like Kerala, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh had already achieved near universal household electrification due to earlier investments in power infrastructure and relatively better governance indicators. Larger States with more rural and remote populations, such as Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and some eastern States, generally lagged behind in household electrification percentages, which is why they were major beneficiaries of Saubhagya. By recognising this pattern, we can identify the State that was not part of the list of eight States with more than 99 percent household electrification. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that Kerala has long had a strong performance in social and infrastructure indicators, including household electrification; it is very likely to have crossed 99 percent before Saubhagya.Step 2: Punjab is a relatively prosperous State with extensive rural electrification for agriculture and households, making it a strong candidate for being among the early achievers.Step 3: Himachal Pradesh, being a small hill State with focused development programmes, is also known for high levels of electrification and was widely reported as having near universal coverage.Step 4: Madhya Pradesh is a large central Indian State with significant rural and tribal populations that historically faced infrastructure gaps, including in household electrification. It required additional support through schemes like Saubhagya.Step 5: Therefore, Madhya Pradesh is the State that was not among the eight States with more than 99 percent household electrification prior to the launch of Saubhagya. Verification / Alternative check: A simple verification is to remember commonly reported lists of early achiever States, which usually include small or relatively advanced States like Gujarat, Punjab, Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and a few north eastern States, rather than large central or eastern States such as Madhya Pradesh or Bihar. This pattern reinforces that Madhya Pradesh was still catching up at the time of the scheme's launch. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A (Kerala) is wrong as the answer because Kerala was among the States that had achieved very high levels of household electrification before Saubhagya.Option B (Punjab) is wrong because Punjab had almost complete rural and urban electrification and is consistently placed among better performing States in power supply.Option C (Himachal Pradesh) is wrong because Himachal Pradesh was widely recognised for its near universal household electrification status and reliable power supply. Common Pitfalls: Candidates sometimes confuse generation capacity with household coverage. A State may generate a lot of power but still have unconnected households, or vice versa. Another mistake is to assume that geographically smaller States always lag behind big ones, when in fact smaller States often achieve near universal coverage earlier. Keeping track of which States are usually cited as models in government reports can help you answer such questions accurately. Final Answer: Correct answer: Madhya Pradesh

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