Question 1

If a Panchayat is dissolved before the end of its normal term, within what maximum period must fresh elections be held?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question is from the constitutional provisions relating to Panchayati Raj institutions in India. It focuses on what happens when a Panchayat is dissolved before completing its full tenure and the time limit within which fresh elections must be conducted. Such details are directly derived from the 73rd Constitutional Amendment and are common in examinations on Indian polity. Given Data / Assumptions: • The body in question is a Panchayat, which may be at village, intermediate or district level. • It has been dissolved before completing its usual five year term. • The question asks for the maximum time allowed for conducting fresh elections after such dissolution. Concept / Approach: The 73rd Constitutional Amendment clearly states that if a Panchayat is dissolved before its normal duration of five years, elections to constitute a new Panchayat must be completed before the expiry of six months from the date of dissolution. This provision is meant to ensure continuity of democratically elected local government and to prevent long periods of administration by officials without elected representatives. Therefore, the maximum acceptable gap between dissolution and the next election is six months. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall the constitutional rule that a Panchayat normally has a term of five years.Step 2: Focus on the clause dealing with premature dissolution, which mandates fresh elections within a specified period.Step 3: Remember that this period is six months from the date of dissolution, not one year or any shorter arbitrary date.Step 4: Among the options, identify option A, “Six months from the date of dissolution”, as matching the constitutional requirement. Verification / Alternative check: You can verify this by noting that similar rules apply to Municipalities under the 74th Amendment, where the six month limit also appears. The use of the same time frame for rural and urban local bodies makes it easier to remember that six months is the maximum gap allowed before elections are held after dissolution. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B: Twelve months would allow a very long period without elected local government and contradicts the clear six month rule in the Constitution.Option C: Two months is shorter than the constitutional limit; while elections can be held earlier, the question asks about the maximum period.Option D: One month is again shorter than the maximum period and does not reflect the constitutional language about completing elections within six months. Common Pitfalls: Candidates sometimes confuse the maximum period allowed with the actual time taken in specific states, which may vary. Another pitfall is mixing up provisions for Panchayats and for other bodies such as State Legislative Assemblies. Keeping a clear separate list of key numbers for local self government, such as five year tenure and six month election deadline, helps avoid such confusion in exams. Final Answer: Correct answer: Six months from the date of dissolution

Question 2

Under the Constitution of India, the residuary powers of legislation are vested in which authority?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question examines your knowledge of the federal division of legislative powers under the Constitution of India. Specifically, it asks who holds the residuary powers of legislation, that is, the power to make laws on subjects not mentioned in any of the three lists in the Seventh Schedule. Given Data / Assumptions: • The term “residuary powers” refers to law making authority over subjects not enumerated in the Union, State or Concurrent Lists. • You are to identify which constitutional authority holds these powers in India. • The options include the President, State Legislatures, Parliament and the Supreme Court. Concept / Approach: In a federation, the Constitution may give residuary powers either to the central government or to the states. In India, Article 248 and Entry 97 of the Union List provide that Parliament has exclusive power to make laws on any subject not enumerated in the State List or the Concurrent List. Thus, residuary legislative powers are vested in Parliament of India. This arrangement differs from some other federations where states hold residuary powers, and it reflects the relatively strong position of the Union in the Indian federal system. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Union List, State List and Concurrent List enumerate subjects for legislation.Step 2: Understand that residuary subjects are those not covered by any of these three lists.Step 3: Remember that the Constitution specifically assigns these residuary powers to Parliament through Article 248 and Entry 97.Step 4: Choose option C, Parliament of India, as the authority holding residuary powers. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can compare India with other federations. For example, in the United States, residuary powers are largely with the states, while in India they are with the Union. This contrast is often discussed in polity textbooks and helps reinforce that in India, Parliament has residuary legislative power, which confirms option C as correct. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: The President of India is the head of the state and part of Parliament, but does not independently hold residuary legislative powers.Option B: State Legislatures have powers over the State List and share powers on the Concurrent List, but they do not hold residuary powers.Option D: The Supreme Court interprets the Constitution and laws; it does not legislate on residuary subjects. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to assume that because India is described as a Union of States, the states might hold residuary powers, as is the case in some other federations. Another error is confusing residuary powers with emergency powers. Carefully distinguishing between distribution of subjects in the Seventh Schedule and the role of different constitutional organs can prevent such confusion. Final Answer: Correct answer: Parliament of India

Question 3

Which institution has the final and ultimate authority to interpret the Constitution of India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question concerns the doctrine of constitutional interpretation in India and asks which institution has the ultimate authority to interpret the Constitution. Understanding the role of the Supreme Court as the guardian and interpreter of the Constitution is fundamental to Indian polity and is frequently tested in examinations. Given Data / Assumptions: • The question is about interpreting the Constitution, not about making or amending it. • The options include Parliament, the Supreme Court, the President and the Attorney General. • We assume normal constitutional functioning without emergency suspending judicial review. Concept / Approach: The Constitution of India establishes a system of judicial review in which the higher judiciary, especially the Supreme Court, has the power to interpret the Constitution and to strike down laws or executive actions that violate constitutional provisions. The Supreme Court is described as the final interpreter of the Constitution and its decisions are binding on all courts within the territory of India. While Parliament makes laws and can amend the Constitution within limits, it is the Supreme Court that decides whether these laws or amendments comply with constitutional principles. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Supreme Court is established as the apex court in India under Part V of the Constitution.Step 2: Understand that judicial review and interpretation of the Constitution are core functions of the higher judiciary, particularly the Supreme Court.Step 3: Recognise that Parliament legislates and the President assents to laws, but neither is the final interpreter of constitutional meaning.Step 4: Therefore, select option B, Supreme Court of India, as the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, you can recall landmark judgments such as Kesavananda Bharati case, in which the Supreme Court articulated the basic structure doctrine. This doctrine limits the power of Parliament to amend the Constitution, clearly demonstrating that final interpretative authority rests with the Court, not with the legislature or the executive. This reinforces that option B is correct. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: Parliament has the authority to make and amend laws but not to give binding interpretations of the Constitution in the face of judicial review.Option C: The President is the head of the Union and acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers; the office does not function as the final constitutional interpreter.Option D: The Attorney General is the chief legal advisor to the Government of India, but advisory opinions do not override the binding judgments of the Supreme Court. Common Pitfalls: Some candidates mistakenly think that Parliament, being sovereign in a political sense, can decide constitutional meaning. However, India follows a constitutional supremacy model, where the Constitution is supreme and the judiciary interprets it. Properly distinguishing between the power to legislate and the power to interpret is essential to avoid confusion on such questions. Final Answer: Correct answer: Supreme Court of India

Question 4

In the government formed in Myanmar in 2016, which position was held by Aung San Suu Kyi in addition to being the State Counsellor?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question relates to contemporary political history and asks about the formal role held by Aung San Suu Kyi in the civilian government of Myanmar that assumed office in 2016. Understanding the titles and positions of major international political leaders is a common part of general awareness sections in competitive examinations. Given Data / Assumptions: • The country under discussion is Myanmar. • The time frame is the government formed in 2016 after democratic elections. • Aung San Suu Kyi was the key civilian leader and held more than one formal position in that government. Concept / Approach: Due to constitutional restrictions, Aung San Suu Kyi could not become President of Myanmar even though her party won the elections. To enable her to lead the government, a special post called State Counsellor was created, similar to a Prime Ministerial position. At the same time, she was also appointed as the Minister of Foreign Affairs (Foreign Minister). She did not hold the formal office of President, Prime Minister or Home Minister as titled in many other countries. Therefore, among the options given, the correct description of her additional role is Foreign Minister of Myanmar. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that in 2016 Aung San Suu Kyi led the civilian government but was not the President because of constitutional clauses.Step 2: Remember that the position of State Counsellor was created for her and that she also took charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.Step 3: Read the options and identify that only option C, Foreign Minister of Myanmar, correctly reflects a position she formally held.Step 4: Exclude the other options which describe positions she did not formally occupy. Verification / Alternative check: To verify, think of news reports and images from international summits where Aung San Suu Kyi represented Myanmar at meetings of foreign ministers and world leaders. She acted as the main external representative of Myanmar, which aligns with the role of Foreign Minister, not President or Home Minister. This confirms that option C is the correct answer. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: Myanmar did not use the title Prime Minister for Aung San Suu Kyi; instead, the special title State Counsellor was created.Option B: She could not become President due to constitutional restrictions regarding close family members who are foreign nationals.Option D: She did not serve as Home Minister; her key cabinet portfolio was Foreign Affairs. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes assume that because Aung San Suu Kyi was the de facto leader of Myanmar, she must have been either President or Prime Minister, but the country's constitutional structure used different titles. Another pitfall is mixing up her various roles held at different times. Focusing on the specific time frame mentioned in the question, namely the 2016 government, helps prevent these errors. Final Answer: Correct answer: Foreign Minister of Myanmar

Question 5

In India, the elected members of which body choose most of the members of the Rajya Sabha (Council of States)?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question focuses on the composition of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India, and the electoral mechanism through which its members are chosen. Understanding who elects Rajya Sabha members is an essential part of Indian polity and is commonly tested in examinations. Given Data / Assumptions: • The body in question is the Rajya Sabha, also called the Council of States. • The majority of its members are indirectly elected rather than directly elected by citizens. • The options mention different potential electors, including State Legislative Assemblies, Legislative Councils, the people, and the Lok Sabha. Concept / Approach: Under the Constitution, most members of the Rajya Sabha, representing the States and Union Territories with legislatures, are elected by the elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies using the system of proportional representation by means of a single transferable vote. A smaller number of members are nominated by the President for their special knowledge or practical experience in fields such as literature, science, art and social service. The Rajya Sabha is therefore an indirectly elected house, and its members are not chosen directly by the general public or by the Lok Sabha. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall the constitutional provision that Rajya Sabha members from States are elected by elected State legislators.Step 2: Note that the method used is proportional representation by single transferable vote, which is applied within the State Legislative Assemblies.Step 3: Identify from the options that only option A, elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies, matches this arrangement.Step 4: Exclude the options that incorrectly suggest direct election by people or election by Lok Sabha members. Verification / Alternative check: An alternative way to verify is to compare Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha. Lok Sabha is directly elected by the people, whereas Rajya Sabha is indirectly elected by State legislators. This contrast is often highlighted in polity books and helps in remembering which body elects Rajya Sabha members. Since State Legislative Assemblies perform this role, option A is confirmed as correct. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option B: Legislative Councils exist only in some States and do not elect Rajya Sabha members in the general case.Option C: The people directly elect the Lok Sabha, not the Rajya Sabha.Option D: Members of the Lok Sabha do not elect members of the Rajya Sabha; the two houses are elected through separate processes. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes assume that because Rajya Sabha is part of Parliament, its members must be elected in the same way as Lok Sabha members. Another error is confusing the roles of State Legislative Assemblies and Councils. To avoid these mistakes, it is helpful to remember that Rajya Sabha is the Council of States and is therefore linked to State legislatures, particularly their elected Assembly members. Final Answer: Correct answer: Elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies

Question 6

What was the chief objective of the Wahabi movement in nineteenth century India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question belongs to the topic of socio religious movements in nineteenth century India. It focuses on the Wahabi movement, which was an Islamic revivalist movement. Understanding the key objective of such movements is important for history and general studies examinations because they relate to both religious reform and resistance to colonial rule. Given Data / Assumptions: • The movement under discussion is the Wahabi movement in India. • The question asks for its chief objective, not every aspect of its activities. • Four possible goals are given, ranging from purification of religion to relations with the British and social reforms. Concept / Approach: The Wahabi movement, inspired by the teachings of Abdul Wahab in Arabia and carried forward in India by leaders such as Syed Ahmed Barelvi, aimed primarily at purifying Islam by returning to what its followers considered the original, unadulterated teachings of the Quran and the Hadith. The movement opposed practices it viewed as innovations or corruptions that had crept into popular religious life. While it had political dimensions and at times took on an anti colonial character, its central motivating idea was religious purification rather than forging better relations with the British or focusing on modern education or women's reforms. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Wahabi movement is classified as a puritanical, revivalist Islamic movement.Step 2: Focus on the phrase “chief objective,” which directs you to the main religious aim rather than secondary consequences.Step 3: Among the options, identify “Purify Islam” as directly describing the core religious motivation of the movement.Step 4: Eliminate options that refer to better relations with the British, women's issues or rational education, which were not its primary goals. Verification / Alternative check: You can verify this by comparing Wahabi movement with other contemporary movements. For example, movements like Aligarh under Sir Syed Ahmad Khan emphasised modern education, while social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy worked on issues like women's rights and sati. The Wahabi movement, however, is consistently described in textbooks as a movement to purify Islam and oppose un Islamic practices, confirming option B as correct. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: The Wahabis did not aim to build cordial relations with the British; in fact, they were often viewed with suspicion by colonial authorities due to their militant tendencies.Option C: Although religious reform can have indirect effects on society, the movement was not primarily focused on improving the condition of women.Option D: Adopting rational or modern education was more characteristic of other reform movements, not the central aim of the Wahabi movement. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to treat all nineteenth century movements as social reform movements focused on women and education. In reality, different movements had different emphases. The Wahabi movement was primarily religious and puritanical, aiming at internal reform of Islam. Keeping a clear mental map of which movement focused on which main issue helps to avoid confusion in multiple choice questions. Final Answer: Correct answer: Purify Islam

Question 7

For how long does the Chief Election Commissioner of India hold office under the Election Commission Act and related provisions?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question tests your knowledge of the tenure of the Chief Election Commissioner of India, an important constitutional authority responsible for conducting free and fair elections. Details such as tenure and age limits of key constitutional posts are frequently asked in examinations on Indian polity and constitutional provisions. Given Data / Assumptions: • The office in question is the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) of India. • The tenure is defined in terms of a fixed number of years and a maximum age, with whichever condition is met earlier leading to retirement. • Several combinations of age and tenure are provided as options. Concept / Approach: Under the Election Commission Act and related service conditions, the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners hold office for a term of six years from the date they assume office or until they attain the age of sixty five years, whichever is earlier. The dual condition ensures that a person does not serve beyond a certain age while also limiting the maximum duration of the tenure. This structure is similar to other constitutional and statutory bodies where both age and number of years are specified. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Election Commission of India is a constitutional body whose members have defined terms of office and age limits.Step 2: Remember that for the Chief Election Commissioner, the term is six years or until the age of sixty five, whichever condition arises first.Step 3: Compare this knowledge with the options and identify option B as matching the correct combination.Step 4: Eliminate the other options which propose a six year term but with different, incorrect age limits. Verification / Alternative check: A quick verification method is to compare tenure rules with those of other authorities. For example, Supreme Court judges retire at sixty five, while High Court judges retire at sixty two. The age of sixty five is also used for several national level positions. Linking the CEC age limit with this pattern reinforces that sixty five years, combined with a six year term, is the correct rule. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: Sixty years or six years is not the standard rule for the Chief Election Commissioner and would significantly reduce the potential tenure.Option C: Sixty eight years as the age limit is higher than provided in law and does not match the actual service conditions.Option D: Seventy years is even higher and is not used for the CEC; the correct age limit is sixty five. Common Pitfalls: Many students confuse the retirement ages of different constitutional authorities and mix them up with one another. To avoid this, it helps to create a small table listing key posts such as President, Supreme Court judge, High Court judge, Comptroller and Auditor General, and Chief Election Commissioner, along with their age and tenure limits. Regular revision of this table can prevent errors in questions like this one. Final Answer: Correct answer: 65 years of age or for six years, whichever is earlier

Question 8

The Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal was constituted to settle water sharing disputes among which group of States and Union Territories?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question relates to inter state river water disputes in India, specifically the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal. Understanding which States were involved in major river disputes helps in topics covering Indian geography, polity and environmental issues. Given Data / Assumptions: • The tribunal under discussion is the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal. • It was constituted to resolve conflicts over sharing the waters of the Narmada river. • Several combinations of States and Union Territories are given as options. Concept / Approach: The Narmada river flows through and impacts multiple States, including Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat, and also has relevance for Rajasthan through canal projects. The Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal was set up under the Inter State River Water Disputes Act to adjudicate disputes about use and distribution of Narmada waters among these States. Its award allocated water shares to Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. Therefore, the correct group of States associated with this tribunal includes all four: Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall which States are directly connected with the Narmada river and its larger basin projects.Step 2: Remember that the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal dealt with claims of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan.Step 3: Compare this information with the options and see that only option C lists all four States together.Step 4: Conclude that option C is the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: You can verify by thinking of major projects like the Sardar Sarovar dam, which is located in Gujarat but receives water originating in Madhya Pradesh and involving flows through Maharashtra, with canal benefits extended to parts of Rajasthan. Because all four States had stakes in the project, it is logical and historically accurate that they were parties to the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal award. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: Gujarat and Rajasthan alone do not represent the full set of States involved in the Narmada dispute, as key upper riparian States are missing.Option B: Gujarat and Maharashtra are involved but this pair ignores Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.Option D: Gujarat and Daman and Diu is incorrect because the dispute was among major States, not primarily a State and a Union Territory like Daman and Diu. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes remember only one or two States associated with a river because of famous projects and overlook others affected through basin wide planning. Another error is mixing up different tribunals, such as those for Cauvery, Krishna or Godavari. Maintaining a summary list that links each major river dispute to the correct group of States can help in avoiding such confusion during exams. Final Answer: Correct answer: Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh

Question 9

Which Part of the Constitution of India contains provisions relating specifically to Urban Local Bodies known as Municipalities?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: This question focuses on the constitutional status of Municipalities, which are Urban Local Bodies in India. It asks which Part of the Constitution deals specifically with Municipalities. Understanding this is important for Indian polity, especially the study of local self government and the impact of the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act. Given Data / Assumptions: • The Constitution of India is divided into Parts, each dealing with a major theme such as fundamental rights, directive principles or local bodies. • The question is specifically about Municipalities, not about Panchayats. • Several Parts of the Constitution are given as options, but only one is correct for Municipalities. Concept / Approach: The 74th Constitutional Amendment Act added Part IX A to the Constitution to provide a constitutional framework for Urban Local Bodies. Part IX A lays down provisions regarding the constitution, composition, powers, functions and elections of Municipalities. It is parallel to Part IX, which deals with Panchayats in rural areas. Prior to this amendment, Municipalities were governed only by state laws without explicit constitutional recognition. Therefore, Part IX A is the correct answer for Municipalities. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that rural local bodies are covered under Part IX and that urban local bodies received constitutional status through a later amendment.Step 2: Remember that the 74th Amendment inserted Part IX A into the Constitution specifically for Municipalities.Step 3: Compare this with the options and identify Part IX A, option D, as the only correct choice.Step 4: Eliminate the other Parts that deal with different topics such as Union and State relations or other provisions. Verification / Alternative check: You can verify by pairing the two key amendments: the 73rd Amendment for Panchayats inserted Part IX, while the 74th Amendment for Municipalities inserted Part IX A. Remembering this pair together (Part IX for Panchayats and Part IX A for Municipalities) makes it much easier to answer questions on local self government in the Constitution. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option A: Part VII is related to provisions that were largely omitted or are not specifically about Municipalities.Option B: Part VIII deals with Union Territories, not with Urban Local Bodies.Option C: Part XI deals with relations between the Union and the States, including legislative relations, not with Municipal institutions. Common Pitfalls: Some candidates mix up Part IX and Part IX A because they both deal with local government. Others may confuse these with Parts dealing with fundamental rights or directive principles. A useful mnemonic is to associate the letter A in Part IX A with “urban areas,” which reminds you that Municipalities fall under this Part, while Panchayats correspond to Part IX. Final Answer: Correct answer: Part IX A

Question 10

Under the Constitution of India, a Proclamation of President's Rule (State Emergency under Article 356) in a State must receive parliamentary approval after every how many months?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: In Indian polity, emergencies are a very important topic for competitive examinations. One such emergency is the State Emergency or President's Rule, proclaimed under Article 356 of the Constitution of India when the constitutional machinery of a State breaks down. This question tests your understanding of how long such a Proclamation can continue without fresh approval from Parliament, and how frequently it must be reviewed to prevent misuse of emergency powers. Given Data / Assumptions: The question is about State Emergency, that is, President's Rule under Article 356 of the Constitution of India. A Proclamation of President's Rule must be approved by both Houses of Parliament to remain in force. The options given are 6 months, 3 months, 1 year and 2 years, which indicate different possible review intervals. We assume the standard constitutional position, ignoring rare transitional arrangements. Concept / Approach: Once the President issues a Proclamation under Article 356, it must be approved by resolutions of both Houses of Parliament within a fixed time period. After the first approval, the Constitution allows the Proclamation to be extended. However, such extensions are not indefinite: Parliament must review and reapprove the Proclamation periodically. This period of review is every 6 months. With each 6 month extension, Parliament checks whether the situation in the State still justifies President's Rule, and there is also an overall maximum time limit in most situations, usually three years, subject to special conditions. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that President's Rule is proclaimed under Article 356 when the President is satisfied that the governance of a State cannot be carried on in accordance with the Constitution.Step 2: Note that the Proclamation must be approved by both Houses of Parliament within two months of its issue, failing which it ceases to operate.Step 3: After the initial approval, the Constitution permits Parliament to extend the operation of the Proclamation by passing fresh resolutions.Step 4: Each such extension can be for a period not exceeding 6 months at a time, meaning Parliament must review and reapprove the Proclamation every 6 months.Step 5: Therefore, among the options 3 months, 6 months, 1 year, and 2 years, the correct interval for repeated parliamentary approval is 6 months. Verification / Alternative check: Standard Indian polity textbooks clearly explain that a Proclamation under Article 356 remains in force for six months at a time after parliamentary approval. They also mention that it can be extended every six months up to a maximum period (usually three years) under certain conditions. No provision exists for automatic annual or biennial renewals without this six monthly review. This confirms that the correct periodic approval interval is six months and not any of the longer periods provided in the options. Why Other Options Are Wrong: 3 months: There is no constitutional requirement for parliamentary review of President's Rule every three months; the key review period is 6 months. 1 year: While the total duration can extend beyond a year, each extension requires reapproval every 6 months, not once a year. 2 years: This is far beyond the single extension period and ignores the mandatory six monthly review process laid down in the Constitution. Common Pitfalls: A common confusion among students is mixing up the initial approval deadline of two months with the subsequent extension period of six months. Another mistake is to remember only the maximum overall duration of President's Rule and forget that each continuation requires a fresh resolution every six months. To avoid these errors, remember two separate figures: two months for the first parliamentary approval, and six months as the length of each extension period, which is what this question is asking about. Final Answer: A Proclamation of President's Rule in a State must receive parliamentary approval after every 6 months to continue in force.

Question 11

Which Union ministry launched the 'Jan Dhan Darshak' mobile application as part of India's financial inclusion initiatives to help citizens locate banking access points?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Financial inclusion is a major policy goal in India, especially after the launch of schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY). To support this goal, the Government of India has introduced digital tools to help citizens locate bank branches, ATMs, banking correspondents and other financial access points. One such tool is the "Jan Dhan Darshak" mobile application. This question checks whether you can correctly associate the app with the Union ministry responsible for launching it as part of the financial inclusion strategy. Given Data / Assumptions: The app is named "Jan Dhan Darshak", clearly linked in name to the Jan Dhan financial inclusion programme. The options list the Finance Ministry and three other ministries: Consumer Affairs, Human Resource Development, and Parliamentary Affairs. The app helps citizens find banking touchpoints and is part of financial inclusion efforts. We assume the usual administrative division of subjects among Union ministries. Concept / Approach: Financial inclusion, including opening bank accounts for the unbanked, promoting digital payments and expanding access to credit, is primarily the responsibility of the Ministry of Finance. The Jan Dhan Yojana itself is steered by the Department of Financial Services, which works under the Ministry of Finance. A mobile app designed to support Jan Dhan beneficiaries by showing where they can access banking services naturally falls under the same umbrella. In contrast, the ministries of Consumer Affairs, Human Resource Development, and Parliamentary Affairs focus on different policy areas and are not the main nodal ministries for financial inclusion technology tools. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recognise that the phrase "Jan Dhan" in the name of the app connects it to the Jan Dhan Yojana, a flagship financial inclusion scheme.Step 2: Recall that the Jan Dhan Yojana is implemented through the Department of Financial Services under the Union Ministry of Finance.Step 3: Understand that an app to locate bank branches, ATMs, and banking correspondents is a financial sector tool, not a general consumer protection or education app.Step 4: Compare the mandates of the ministries listed: Consumer Affairs deals with consumer rights and food distribution, HRD (now Education) handles education, and Parliamentary Affairs focuses on coordination of parliamentary business.Step 5: Conclude that the Finance Ministry is the only option that logically aligns with launching "Jan Dhan Darshak" as a financial inclusion support application. Verification / Alternative check: Government press releases about the app highlight that "Jan Dhan Darshak" was developed as a collaborative effort of the Department of Financial Services, the Ministry of Finance, and the National Informatics Centre. The objective is to provide a citizen centric platform for locating banking service points. No such association is made with the Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Human Resource Development, or Parliamentary Affairs in official documents. This confirms that the correct ministry for exam purposes is the Union Ministry of Finance. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution: This ministry focuses on food security, consumer protection and the public distribution system, not on developing fintech tools for banking inclusion. Ministry of Human Resource Development: It deals with school, higher and technical education, now called the Ministry of Education, and has no direct mandate to launch a banking locator app. Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs: Its role is to coordinate government business in Parliament, which is unrelated to running citizen facing financial inclusion apps. Common Pitfalls: A frequent mistake is to overinterpret the word "consumer" or "public" and assume that any citizen focused app must belong to the Ministry of Consumer Affairs or some other social sector ministry. Another confusion arises from not linking "Jan Dhan" directly to the financial inclusion strategy led by the Finance Ministry. To avoid such errors, always connect digital financial tools and Jan Dhan related schemes to the Ministry of Finance and its specialised departments unless you have strong evidence otherwise. Final Answer: The "Jan Dhan Darshak" mobile application for financial inclusion was launched by the Finance Ministry of the Government of India.

Question 12

In the current post-bifurcation arrangement, how many Lok Sabha (parliamentary) seats are allotted to the State of Andhra Pradesh?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The distribution of Lok Sabha seats among Indian States is a basic but important fact in Indian polity. After the bifurcation of the erstwhile united Andhra Pradesh into Telangana and the residuary State of Andhra Pradesh, the allocation of parliamentary constituencies changed. This question checks whether you know the current number of Lok Sabha seats assigned to the State of Andhra Pradesh under that arrangement, which is a favourite topic in general knowledge and state specific exams. Given Data / Assumptions: The question refers to the present State of Andhra Pradesh after the creation of Telangana. It asks for the number of Lok Sabha seats allotted to Andhra Pradesh. The options given are 2, 13, 19 and 25. We assume the standard delimitation and seat allocation that applies after bifurcation. Concept / Approach: The total number of Lok Sabha seats for the undivided Andhra Pradesh was 42. After the formation of Telangana in 2014, that total was split between the new State of Telangana and the residuary Andhra Pradesh. Telangana received 17 Lok Sabha seats, and Andhra Pradesh received 25 Lok Sabha seats. These numbers are now standard in exam books and official lists of parliamentary constituencies. None of the smaller numbers in the options (2, 13, 19) matches this official allocation, leaving 25 as the only correct figure. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that prior to bifurcation, the united Andhra Pradesh had 42 Lok Sabha seats.Step 2: After Telangana was carved out, the total Lok Sabha seats were distributed: Telangana got 17 and Andhra Pradesh got the remaining 25.Step 3: Check the options: 2 and 13 are far too small for a large State like Andhra Pradesh, and 19 is also below the known allocation.Step 4: Match the number 25 with the commonly cited post bifurcation seat count for Andhra Pradesh in standard polity and GK references.Step 5: Conclude that the correct number of Lok Sabha seats allotted to Andhra Pradesh is 25. Verification / Alternative check: Official lists of parliamentary constituencies published by the Election Commission of India, as well as Lok Sabha records, show 25 constituencies in Andhra Pradesh and 17 constituencies in Telangana. Exam oriented summaries of State wise Lok Sabha distribution also repeat these numbers. No authoritative source lists Andhra Pradesh with 2, 13, or 19 seats in the current arrangement. This confirms that 25 is the correct figure for competitive exam purposes. Why Other Options Are Wrong: 2: A large and populous State like Andhra Pradesh cannot realistically have only two Lok Sabha constituencies; this option is clearly incorrect. 13: This number matches the Rajya Sabha seats of some States in certain contexts but not the Lok Sabha seats of Andhra Pradesh. 19: This is also not the officially sanctioned number of Lok Sabha seats for Andhra Pradesh after bifurcation. Common Pitfalls: Some candidates mistakenly remember the pre bifurcation figure of 42 seats or confuse Lok Sabha seats with Rajya Sabha seats, which are fewer in number. Others mix up the allocations between Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. A useful memory aid is to remember the split as 17 (Telangana) plus 25 (Andhra Pradesh) equals the old total of 42. This simple equation helps you quickly recall the correct numbers for both States in exam questions. Final Answer: In the current arrangement, Andhra Pradesh has 25 Lok Sabha seats.

Question 13

Which writ issued by a High Court or the Supreme Court of India restrains a person from holding a public office to which he or she is not legally entitled?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Constitution of India empowers the Supreme Court and High Courts to issue writs for the enforcement of Fundamental Rights and for other purposes. These writs, borrowed from English law, include habeas corpus, mandamus, certiorari, prohibition and quo warranto. Each writ has a specific function. This question focuses on the writ used to challenge the legal authority of a person to hold a public office, thereby ensuring that public posts are occupied only by those legally qualified to do so. Given Data / Assumptions: The question is about writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and High Courts in India. It asks specifically which writ is used to restrain a person from holding a public office they are not entitled to. The options given are Certiorari, Mandamus, Prohibition and Quo Warranto. We assume basic familiarity with the names and purposes of the five main writs. Concept / Approach: The writ of quo warranto literally means “by what authority.” It is used to question the legal authority of a person to hold a public office that is substantive and created by statute or the Constitution. If the court finds that the person does not meet the required qualifications or that their appointment violates legal provisions, it can restrain that person from continuing in that office. Other writs serve different purposes: certiorari quashes judicial or quasi judicial orders, mandamus commands the performance of a public duty, and prohibition prevents lower courts from exceeding their jurisdiction. Therefore, quo warranto is the correct writ in the context of challenging someone's right to office. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall the meanings of common writs: mandamus (we command), certiorari (to be certified), prohibition (to forbid), and quo warranto (by what authority).Step 2: Identify which writ's purpose is to examine whether a person is legally entitled to hold a particular public office.Step 3: Recognise that quo warranto is designed to challenge the holder of a public office when there is doubt about their legal right to occupy it.Step 4: Note that if the court upholds the challenge, it can order that the person be ousted, restraining them from acting in that capacity.Step 5: Conclude that among the options, the writ of quo warranto is the one that restrains a person from holding an office to which they are not legally entitled. Verification / Alternative check: Polity textbooks consistently define writ of quo warranto as one that enables the court to determine the legality of a claim by a person to a public office. They also emphasise that it can be filed by any member of the public, not necessarily the directly affected party, because it concerns the public's interest in lawful occupancy of public offices. Descriptions of other writs do not include this feature of questioning the authority to hold office, which confirms that quo warranto is the uniquely appropriate writ for this purpose. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Certiorari: This writ is used to quash the order or decision of a lower court or tribunal on grounds such as lack of jurisdiction or error of law, not to challenge someone's right to office. Mandamus: It commands a public authority to perform a legal duty, but does not directly question the authority of a person to hold a public post. Prohibition: It prevents lower courts or tribunals from proceeding in a matter beyond their jurisdiction; it does not deal with the eligibility of office holders. Common Pitfalls: Students often confuse certiorari and prohibition because both relate to judicial or quasi judicial authorities. Some also mix up mandamus and quo warranto, as both involve public offices and duties. A simple memory aid is to link quo warranto with the question "by what authority are you sitting in this office?" If the issue is about the legality of the appointment itself, think quo warranto; if it is about compelling action, think mandamus; and if it is about correcting or stopping judicial proceedings, think certiorari or prohibition. Final Answer: The writ that restrains a person from holding a public office to which they are not legally entitled is Quo Warranto.

Question 14

According to the Constitution of India, what is the minimum age required for a person to be eligible to become the Vice President of India?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Age qualifications for high constitutional offices such as the President, Vice President, Members of Parliament and Members of State Legislatures are standard factual questions in Indian polity. The Vice President of India is the second highest constitutional office and also serves ex officio as the Chairperson of the Rajya Sabha. This question tests your recall of the minimum age a person must have attained to be eligible for election to the office of the Vice President under the Constitution of India. Given Data / Assumptions: The question is specifically about the minimum age to become the Vice President of India. The options offered are 30 years, 35 years, 40 years and 37 years. We know that eligibility criteria for Vice President are similar to those for being a member of the Rajya Sabha, with some additional conditions. We assume the constitutional provisions in place as normally described in polity textbooks. Concept / Approach: Article 66 of the Constitution lays down the qualifications for election as Vice President. One key requirement is that the person must be eligible for election as a member of the Council of States (Rajya Sabha). Under Article 84, the minimum age for a member of the Rajya Sabha is 30 years. However, the specific minimum age for the Vice President is fixed at 35 years, which is the same as for the President of India. Thus, while a Rajya Sabha member can be 30 years old, a candidate for Vice President must be at least 35, making this the correct age threshold among the options given. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the Vice President must be a citizen of India and qualified for election as a member of the Rajya Sabha.Step 2: Note that the minimum age for Rajya Sabha membership is 30 years, but this does not automatically set the Vice President's age limit.Step 3: Remember that the Constitution explicitly sets the minimum age for both the President and the Vice President at 35 years.Step 4: Compare the options: 30 and 37 years do not correspond to the specific constitutional age for the Vice President, and 40 years is higher than required.Step 5: Conclude that the minimum age required to become the Vice President of India is 35 years. Verification / Alternative check: Standard Indian polity books and bare text references summarise the qualifications for the Vice President as: citizen of India, at least 35 years of age, qualified for election as a member of the Council of States, and not holding any office of profit. They explicitly mention 35 years as the minimum age, aligning this office with that of the President. None of these authoritative sources suggests 30, 37 or 40 years as the minimum age, confirming that 35 years is the correct answer. Why Other Options Are Wrong: 30 years: This is the minimum age for Rajya Sabha membership, not for the Vice President's office. 40 years: This is higher than required; the Constitution does not demand that a Vice President be at least 40. 37 years: This is not mentioned anywhere in the constitutional qualifications; it is simply an incorrect distractor. Common Pitfalls: Candidates sometimes confuse the age limits for different offices because they are close in value. For example, 35 years applies to the President and Vice President, 30 to Rajya Sabha members, and 25 to Lok Sabha and Legislative Assembly members. Mixing up these numbers can lead to wrong answers. A handy memory trick is to remember the sequence 25 (MLA/MP Lok Sabha), 30 (Rajya Sabha), and 35 (President and Vice President) and to always link 35 with the two highest national offices. Final Answer: The minimum age required to become the Vice President of India is 35 years.

Question 15

In earlier commonly cited pay scales used in Indian polity questions, what was the monthly salary of the President of India (in rupees) before later revisions increased it further?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Questions on the salaries and allowances of high constitutional functionaries such as the President, Vice President, Governors and Members of Parliament are common in static general knowledge sections. These figures are sometimes revised by law, but many examination questions are framed around earlier well known pay scales. This question refers to an earlier commonly cited monthly salary of the President of India in rupees, prior to subsequent revisions that raised the amount further, and checks your memory of that benchmark figure. Given Data / Assumptions: The subject is the President of India's monthly salary as used in earlier standard GK questions. The options given are Rs 1,50,000; Rs 1,00,000; Rs 75,000; and Rs 50,000. We assume the question refers to the widely cited salary level in older exam material before more recent hikes. The task is to pick the correct figure from the options provided, not to comment on the most current pay scale. Concept / Approach: The salary of the President of India is fixed by Parliament and has been revised several times. For many years, a frequently quoted figure in general knowledge books was Rs 1,50,000 per month. This figure replaced earlier lower amounts such as Rs 75,000 and Rs 50,000 as the country's economy and cost of living changed. Later, the salary was increased further, but those updates are not reflected in the options. Therefore, within the set of choices given, the correct answer is the most recent of the older figures: Rs 1,50,000 per month. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that very old exam questions once quoted Rs 50,000 and Rs 75,000 as salaries for the President, but these figures were revised upward over time.Step 2: Identify Rs 1,00,000 and Rs 1,50,000 as later figures, with Rs 1,50,000 being the more recent and widely cited pay level before newer hikes.Step 3: Recognise that subsequent revisions raised the salary beyond Rs 1,50,000, but such later amounts do not appear in the options.Step 4: Understand that examination questions often lag behind the latest pay revision and continue to use the Rs 1,50,000 figure.Step 5: Conclude that the correct answer, in the context of this question and options, is Rs 1,50,000 per month. Verification / Alternative check: Older editions of general knowledge and Indian polity reference books list the President's salary as Rs 1,50,000 per month, particularly for questions set around that time. They also mention that earlier it was Rs 75,000 and, even earlier, Rs 50,000 per month, reflecting previous pay scales. After another Parliamentary revision, the salary was increased again, but exam banks built on the Rs 1,50,000 figure persisted in many question sets. Since the question clearly matches this older pattern, Rs 1,50,000 must be treated as the correct answer here. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Rs 1,00,000: This figure does not match the widely cited benchmark salary for the President in standard GK questions; it is simply a distractor. Rs 75,000: This was an older figure that was superseded when the salary was increased to Rs 1,50,000. Rs 50,000: This was an even earlier and now outdated salary figure, no longer used in most exam questions. Common Pitfalls: Because salaries and allowances of high offices change over time, candidates who rely only on current affairs may become confused when older figures appear in multiple choice questions. Conversely, those who memorise a single figure without noting its context may feel uncertain when new revisions are announced. The best strategy is to focus on the specific options and the typical pattern of the question bank being used. In this case, the presence of Rs 1,50,000 as the highest of several older values signals that it is the intended correct answer. Final Answer: In earlier commonly used Indian polity questions, the President of India's monthly salary was given as Rs 1,50,000.

Question 16

The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India does not normally audit the receipts and expenditure of which of the following bodies?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India is a constitutional authority responsible for auditing the accounts of the Union and State governments and certain public sector entities. Understanding the scope of the CAG's audit jurisdiction is a routine topic in Indian polity and public finance questions. This MCQ asks which body's receipts and expenditure are not ordinarily audited directly by the CAG, unless special provisions or requests exist. Given Data / Assumptions: The question lists four types of entities: Central Government, State Government, local bodies, and government companies. We know the CAG is established under Articles 148–151 of the Constitution. The phrase "does not audit" refers to the normal constitutional and statutory mandate, not exceptional arrangements. Local bodies here refer to Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities at the grassroots level. Concept / Approach: The CAG primarily audits the accounts of the Union and State governments, including receipts and expenditure from the Consolidated Funds and public accounts. It also audits many government companies and corporations in which the government has significant ownership. However, the accounts of local bodies like panchayats and municipalities are typically audited by state level audit agencies or Local Fund Audit Departments. In some States, the CAG may conduct technical or sample audits of local bodies or act as a nodal authority, but this is not its core, universal obligation under the Constitution for all local bodies. Hence, among the options, local bodies are the ones whose receipts and expenditure are not normally audited fully and directly by the CAG. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that Articles 149 and 151 give the CAG authority over Union and State government accounts.Step 2: Recognise that the CAG prepares audit reports on the Union and State accounts, which are then laid before Parliament and State Legislatures.Step 3: Note that government companies and corporations in which the government holds a majority stake are also subject to CAG audit under relevant laws.Step 4: Understand that the detailed audit of local self government institutions is generally handled by state level audit mechanisms, with only limited or sample involvement from the CAG in some cases.Step 5: Therefore, identify local bodies such as Panchayats and Municipalities as the correct answer to the question about entities not normally audited by the CAG. Verification / Alternative check: Public finance and polity textbooks clearly state that the CAG audits the accounts of the Union and State governments and many government companies. They also mention that the audit of Panchayats and Municipalities is usually the responsibility of separate Local Fund Audit offices, though the CAG may provide guidelines or conduct test audits. Exam book MCQs almost always treat local bodies as outside the CAG's core audit remit, particularly when compared to central and state governments and government companies. This makes local bodies the standard correct choice in questions like this. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Central Government: The CAG is specifically mandated to audit the accounts of the Union government, so this option is incorrect. State Government: The CAG also audits the accounts of State governments, and its reports are laid before State Legislatures. Government companies: Most government companies, especially those where the government holds more than 51 percent of share capital, fall under the CAG's audit jurisdiction. Common Pitfalls: Students sometimes assume that because local bodies are public institutions, the CAG must audit them directly just like Union and State accounts. This overlooks the specific constitutional and statutory arrangements that assign their audit mostly to state level agencies. Another mistake is to think that government companies are private enterprises and therefore outside the CAG's reach, whereas in reality the CAG plays a significant role in auditing public sector undertakings. Always remember that in typical exam questions, local bodies are the entity not audited by the CAG in the same comprehensive way as the Union, States and government companies. Final Answer: The CAG of India does not normally audit the receipts and expenditure of local bodies such as Panchayats and Municipalities.

Question 17

Under the Constitution of India, the President of India can be removed from office by which of the following authorities through the process of impeachment?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The President of India is the head of State and holds office for a term of five years, but can be removed before the expiry of the term under certain conditions and through a specific constitutional procedure. This process is known as impeachment and is designed to be rigorous so that removal is not casual or politically motivated. This question asks you to identify which authority under the Constitution actually removes the President from office through impeachment. Given Data / Assumptions: The subject is the removal of the President of India from office before the completion of the term. The options include the Prime Minister, Chief Justice of India, Parliament and Lok Sabha. We know that impeachment involves both Houses of Parliament and specific majority requirements. We assume the standard constitutional position under Article 61 of the Constitution of India. Concept / Approach: Article 61 of the Constitution of India lays down the procedure for impeachment of the President on the ground of violation of the Constitution. The process begins with a written notice and is conducted by Parliament. One House frames the charges and passes the impeachment resolution by a special majority, and the other House investigates and also passes the resolution by a similar special majority. At the end of this process, if the resolution is passed by both Houses, the President stands removed from office. Neither the Prime Minister nor the Chief Justice nor a single House such as the Lok Sabha alone can remove the President; it is a collective act of Parliament as an institution. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that impeachment of the President is provided for in Article 61 of the Constitution.Step 2: Understand that the charges are initiated by one House of Parliament and then investigated by the other House.Step 3: Note that a special majority (two thirds of the members present and voting, and a majority of the total membership) is required in each House for the impeachment resolution.Step 4: Recognise that neither the Prime Minister nor the Chief Justice of India has independent authority to remove the President; they may have roles in other contexts, but not in impeachment.Step 5: Conclude that it is Parliament, acting through both its Houses, that removes the President by impeachment. Verification / Alternative check: Standard Indian polity texts emphasise that the President can only be removed for violation of the Constitution and only by the process of impeachment undertaken by Parliament. They describe in detail how a notice signed by a minimum number of members is given, how an investigation may be conducted, and how the final resolution is passed by both Houses. No constitutional provision gives the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice, or the Lok Sabha acting alone the power to remove the President. This confirms that Parliament as a whole is the correct answer. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Prime Minister of India: The Prime Minister is the head of government, not the authority who removes the head of State; he or she may advise the President but cannot impeach or remove the President. Chief Justice of India: The Chief Justice may preside over the President's oath of office and may be involved in inquiries, but does not have the power to remove the President. Lok Sabha: Although the Lok Sabha may initiate or participate in the impeachment, removal requires action by both Houses; Lok Sabha alone cannot remove the President. Common Pitfalls: Students often misinterpret the role of the Chief Justice or think that the popularly elected Lok Sabha should alone have the power to remove the President. Others confuse impeachment procedures with no confidence motions, which apply to the Council of Ministers, not to the President. To avoid confusion, remember that impeachment is a constitutional process involving both Houses of Parliament and is the only way to remove the President for violation of the Constitution. Final Answer: The President of India can be removed from office by Parliament through the process of impeachment.

Question 18

Which group of countries correctly lists the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important organs of the United Nations, responsible for maintaining international peace and security. It has fifteen members in total, of which five are permanent members with special veto powers. Knowing the names of these five permanent members is a basic but essential part of international organisations and general knowledge sections in competitive exams. This question tests your ability to correctly identify the group of countries that make up the permanent membership of the UNSC. Given Data / Assumptions: The question asks for the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The options list different combinations of major world powers, including the USA, China, France, Russia, the UK, Canada, Germany and Japan. We know that the permanent members are often referred to as the P5. We assume the long established composition of the UNSC has not changed for this question. Concept / Approach: The five permanent members of the UNSC, known as the P5, are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. These countries were chosen after the Second World War and given permanent seats and veto powers as part of the post war international security architecture. Germany, Japan and Canada are important members of the United Nations, but they are not permanent members of the Security Council; instead, they may serve as non permanent members when elected for two year terms. Therefore, the only option that lists exactly China, France, Russia, the UK and the USA is the correct one. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall the acronym P5 used for the five permanent members: China, France, Russia, United Kingdom (UK) and United States of America (USA).Step 2: Examine each option to see which one matches this set of five countries without adding or omitting any.Step 3: Option b lists China, France, Russia, UK and USA, which matches the known P5 exactly.Step 4: Option a incorrectly includes Canada instead of the UK or another P5 member.Step 5: Options c and d include Germany or Japan, which are not permanent members; therefore, they are incorrect. Verification / Alternative check: Standard international relations and general knowledge books consistently list the permanent members of the UNSC as China, France, Russia, the UK and the USA. They also explain that these countries possess veto power on substantive resolutions. The composition of the P5 has remained unchanged since the founding of the United Nations, despite periodic calls for reform. Canada, Germany and Japan have all served as non permanent members at various times, but none holds a permanent seat. This confirms that the correct option is the one naming China, France, Russia, the UK and the USA. Why Other Options Are Wrong: USA, China, France, Russia and Canada: Canada is not a permanent member of the UNSC; the United Kingdom is missing from this list. Japan, Germany, Russia, UK and USA: Japan and Germany are important UN members but do not hold permanent seats on the Security Council. Germany, China, USA, Russia and UK: Again, Germany is not a permanent member; France, which is a permanent member, is missing. Common Pitfalls: Candidates sometimes confuse economic power or membership in groups like the G7 or G20 with permanent membership of the Security Council. Countries such as Germany, Japan and Canada are significant global players and may therefore be mistakenly included in the P5 by exam takers. To avoid this, remember that the P5 have remained the same since 1945 and consist of two European powers (UK and France), two large Eurasian powers (Russia and China) and one North American power (USA). This simple mental grouping helps keep the list clear during examinations. Final Answer: The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States of America (USA).

Question 19

With reference to the conduct of elections in India, which of the following statements is or are NOT correct regarding electoral rolls, the Model Code of Conduct and delimitation of constituencies?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: The conduct of elections in India is governed by constitutional provisions, laws like the Representation of the People Acts, and the powers of the Election Commission of India (ECI). Exam questions often test your ability to evaluate multiple statements about electoral rolls, the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), delimitation of constituencies and election disputes. This question specifically asks you to identify which statements are NOT correct, so you must read each statement carefully and compare it against the legal and institutional framework of elections in India. Given Data / Assumptions: The statements given are: 1. The responsibility for the preparation of the electoral rolls is vested in the Election Commission of India. 2. The Model Code of Conduct comes into existence as soon as the date of the election is announced. 3. The laws relating to delimitation of constituencies are made by the Election Commission of India. 4. No election shall be called in question except by an election petition. We must find which statement or statements are NOT correct and then match with the appropriate answer option. Concept / Approach: The Election Commission of India has the superintendence, direction and control of elections, which includes preparation and revision of electoral rolls, making Statements 1 and 2 likely correct. The Model Code of Conduct is indeed enforced from the date the election schedule is announced. However, laws relating to the delimitation of constituencies are not made by the Election Commission; they are enacted by Parliament, and delimitation is carried out by a Delimitation Commission appointed under such laws. Statement 3 is therefore incorrect. Statement 4 reflects the legal position that election disputes are adjudicated through election petitions filed in the appropriate High Court or Supreme Court. Accordingly, only Statement 3 is not correct. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Evaluate Statement 1. Article 324 and related laws give the Election Commission responsibility for the superintendence, direction and control of elections, including preparation of electoral rolls. So Statement 1 is correct.Step 2: Evaluate Statement 2. The Model Code of Conduct is enforced by the Election Commission from the date of announcement of the election schedule. Therefore, Statement 2 is also correct.Step 3: Evaluate Statement 3. Laws relating to delimitation are made by Parliament, and actual delimitation is done by a Delimitation Commission constituted under those laws, not by the Election Commission itself. Hence Statement 3 is incorrect.Step 4: Evaluate Statement 4. Election law provides that the validity of elections may be challenged only through election petitions in designated courts; there is no other ordinary way of calling an election into question. Thus Statement 4 is correct.Step 5: Since only Statement 3 is not correct, the correct answer choice is the one that says "3 only." Verification / Alternative check: Polity and election law textbooks emphasise that the Election Commission supervises electoral rolls and enforces the Model Code of Conduct from the moment elections are announced. They also clearly explain that Parliament passes the Delimitation Acts, under which separate Delimitation Commissions are set up to redraw constituency boundaries. These books also note that election disputes are to be resolved via election petitions as prescribed in the Representation of the People Act. When you align these points with the statements, it is clear that only Statement 3 incorrectly attributes law making power on delimitation to the Election Commission. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Option "1, 2 and 4": This wrongly treats Statements 1, 2 and 4 as incorrect, but we have seen all three are actually correct. Option "1, 2 and 3": This includes Statement 3, which is incorrect, but it also wrongly includes Statements 1 and 2. Option "4 only": This assumes Statement 4 is incorrect, whereas it accurately reflects the legal rule about challenging elections. Common Pitfalls: Many students misread questions that ask for NOT correct statements and end up selecting statements that are actually true. Another common error is to overestimate the role of the Election Commission and assume it also makes delimitation laws, when in reality law making power lies with Parliament and the Commission's role is implementation. Carefully distinguishing between law making and supervisory roles, and paying attention to words like "only" or "not," will help you avoid such traps in similar questions. Final Answer: Among the statements given, only Statement 3 is not correct, so the correct option is 3 only.

Question 20

In October 2018, India was elected as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) for a term of how many years?

Accepted Answer

Introduction / Context: Membership in key United Nations bodies such as the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is an important aspect of India's foreign policy and international standing. Current affairs questions often ask about the term length and years of India's membership in such councils. In October 2018, India was elected to the UNHRC, and this question asks you to recall the duration of the term associated with that election. Given Data / Assumptions: The question specifies the month and year: October 2018. India was elected as a member of the UN Human Rights Council. The options for the term length are five years, four years, three years and two years. We assume the standard rules of UNHRC membership apply. Concept / Approach: The United Nations Human Rights Council is composed of 47 member States, elected directly and individually by secret ballot in the UN General Assembly. Each member serves for a term of three years and is not immediately eligible for re election after serving two consecutive terms. When India was elected to the Council in October 2018, it was for such a three year term. Therefore, among the four options listed, the correct answer is three years, which matches the standard UNHRC membership duration. Step-by-Step Solution: Step 1: Recall that the UNHRC is a subsidiary body of the UN General Assembly with a fixed membership term for members.Step 2: Remember that the UNHRC membership term for each elected country is three years, as per UN rules.Step 3: Apply this standard rule to India's election in October 2018; India would therefore serve a three year term beginning in 2019.Step 4: Compare the given options (five, four, three and two years); only three years matches the UNHRC norm.Step 5: Select three years as the correct answer. Verification / Alternative check: Reports on the October 2018 election clearly stated that India was elected to the UNHRC for a three year term starting from 1 January 2019. This is consistent with UN General Assembly resolutions that set the term of UNHRC members at three years. No reliable source mentions a two, four or five year term for such membership. Thus, both the general rule and the specific news reports point to a three year tenure, confirming the correct choice. Why Other Options Are Wrong: Five years: This is the term length for many national constitutional offices, not for UNHRC membership. Four years: This sometimes appears in terms of other international bodies or domestic legislatures, but not in the UNHRC context. Two years: This is the usual term for non permanent members of the UN Security Council, not for members of the UN Human Rights Council. Common Pitfalls: A common mistake is to confuse the term lengths of different UN bodies, such as mixing up the two year term of non permanent UNSC members with the three year term of UNHRC members. Another error is to think in terms of typical national political cycles like five years for legislatures. To avoid such confusion, remember that UNHRC membership is specifically for three years, and this figure should be associated in your mind with human rights council elections rather than with the Security Council or domestic offices. Final Answer: In October 2018, India was elected to the UN Human Rights Council for a term of three years.

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